“Trials of Guantanamo suspects begin without a lawyer or reporter in sight” – By Andrew Buncombe in Washington
Published: 8 March 2007
This article is significant, as much for what it is, as for where it is not. In my trawling of the internet in search of articles on the U.S.’s torture policies, this article shines in its absence on U.S. newspaper sites.
Despite complaints, the Bush administration has decided to once again fly in the face of public opinion and go ahead with the military tribunals against fourteen terrorism suspects. These “trials” will take place far away from the prying eyes of the media and for some reason, even the suspects’ lawyers. The Bush administration claim it is in the interest of national security, which has been the official “line” offered in every justification from the war in Iraq up to torture today.
The prisoners are being denied their right to a fair trial and feeble compromises such as; transcripts being available at a later date sound hollow when the next line says: “it will be edited”. These trials are a “smoke and mirrors” display that the Bush administration is putting on purely for the benefit of the world looking in. They are shadow puppets with no real meaning. Of the 385 prisoners currently held at Guantanamo, the majority seem to be guilty of little more than being Muslim. The U.S. even spent $30m on a new prison block, ignoring the raucous kicked up by human rights groups. Even if the three main suspects are guilty, the misconduct of the U.S. legal system cast a shadow of doubt on their conviction.
DISCUSSION
It is a dark day for the human race when a prominent democracy decides to abandon the ideal of freedom in an attempt to cement their dominance. Sadly, that day has come. The Bush administration’s blatant disregard for the policies of the U.N. is sure to leave a bitter taste in the mouth of even the most loyal supporters. Before 9/11, nobody would have seriously considered the prospect of the U.S. endorsing torture and euphemistically calling it “advanced interrogation techniques”. Uncharged suspects are held without bail and the few who are charged are not guaranteed a fair trial.
The tragedy of the twin towers enabled Bush to rally a country and wield the kind of power many before him could only dream of.
The Bush administration ignores the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDSR) despite the fact that they too served on the council that helped draft it. Among other things the UDSR states: “No one shall be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”; “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.”; “Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.”
In no world can one reasonably assume that the Bush administration is ignorant to the fact that it is committing human rights violations on a daily basis. And the “but he did it too” defence is not legitimate, even on a school playground. Pointing fingers does not subtract from the current tragedy that is Iraq. Bush is serving as the self-proclaimed poster boy for western democracy and one has to ask oneself: “Is this really the man we want speaking for us?”
REFERENCES
• Buncombe, A. 2007 ‘Trials of Guantanamo suspects begin without a lawyer or reporter in sight’ in The independent, http://news.independent.co.uk/world/americas/article2338360.ece , accessed:8March 2007
• Moss, M. & Mekhennet, S. 2007 ‘Held 2 Years, Iraqi tells Of Abuses in U.S. Jail’ in The New York Times, Articles selected for the Sunday Times, march4,2007
• ‘Universal Declaration of Human rights’ in http://www.un.org/overview/rights.html accessed: 7March 2007-03-09
Tuesday 17 April 2007
difficulties in nurturing
The difference between unwilling and unable
Introduction
In this essay I will demonstrate that the political economy in a country does indeed have an impact on the health of the children living there. I will also briefly look at the extend of the economy’s influence on healthcare as a major contributing factor in ill health. To do this I will draw on the works of Cliff & Noormahomed and Scheper-Hughes. I begin by examining case studies in Mozambique and Brazil. Combined with a short analysis of data gained in these articles.
Discussion
The adverse effects of a crippled economy is a daily reality that literally millions of people must learn to contend with (Cliff & Noormahomed 1993). This reality may come to the world’s attention in war torn countries like Mozambique, but it is all to easy to forget that these are not the only places where the problem lies. Even in countries where there has been economic growth, there are still those left out in the cold (Scheper-Hughes 1984).
I will use the three main determinants in children’s health as mentioned by Cliff & Noormahomed in order to illustrate the influence of the political economy on children’s health. These are 1. Socio-economic conditions; 2.Women’s health; 3. Access to health care services. Socio-economic conditions have the most direct influence of the three (Scheper-Hughes). Economical problems quickly translate into financial problems for poor families (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Families are no longer able to afford enough food to meet their basis calorific needs, this leads to malnutrition and as a result growth faltering among children (Cliff& Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). This will also adversely effect the health of mothers, leaving them weakened and unable to render sufficient care. In Mozambique the war significantly reduces the amount of time that mother’s have to spend with their children. The reduced family income means more time spent looking for additional income in urban areas and increased travelling time in rural ones. The unstable climate of the country has led to hospitals becoming unsafe as well as making it almost impossible for mobile units to operate. Immunisations have dropped, leaving a generation of children vulnerable to diseases that could have been prevented (Cliff & Noormahomed).
In Brazil, the body imagery used by mothers in the rural shantytown closely mimics the reality of the larger society they inhabit. Mothers see themselves as unfit to produce anything of value when unable to produce milk to feed their child. They replicate social stratification, using words usually linked to a particular class to characterise their children. There are even cases of so called “selective neglect” where mothers neglect babies that they believe are weak to such an extend that they eventually die (Scheper-Hughes). Monetary constraints on these mother’s capacity to raise happy, healthy children adds a deeper dimension to a story that is often told from an ethnocentric point of view. Women who cannot afford healthcare or the economic burden of caring for a sickly child are often harshly judged (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). And while at first glance their behaviour may seem callous and uncaring, without taking the time to look a bit deeper, we do these women an immense injustice (Scheper-Hughes).
Conclusion
Although it may be tempting to fall into the trap of ‘victim blaming’ when one looks at malnourished children in poverty stricken areas, this does not address the real issues at hand (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Instead of reprimanding a mother for not taking better care of her children, we would be better off taking the time to examine the wider socio-economical factors that influence their ability to care for their children (Scheper-Hughes). A mother may be willing to take proper care of her children, without having the means to. Being able to tell the difference between unwilling and unable is the only way to do these women justice (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes).
References:
• Cliff, J. & Noormahomed, A.R. 1993 ‘The Impact of War On Children’s Health in Mozambique’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 36 (7)
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ In Soc. Sci. Med. 19 (5)
Introduction
In this essay I will demonstrate that the political economy in a country does indeed have an impact on the health of the children living there. I will also briefly look at the extend of the economy’s influence on healthcare as a major contributing factor in ill health. To do this I will draw on the works of Cliff & Noormahomed and Scheper-Hughes. I begin by examining case studies in Mozambique and Brazil. Combined with a short analysis of data gained in these articles.
Discussion
The adverse effects of a crippled economy is a daily reality that literally millions of people must learn to contend with (Cliff & Noormahomed 1993). This reality may come to the world’s attention in war torn countries like Mozambique, but it is all to easy to forget that these are not the only places where the problem lies. Even in countries where there has been economic growth, there are still those left out in the cold (Scheper-Hughes 1984).
I will use the three main determinants in children’s health as mentioned by Cliff & Noormahomed in order to illustrate the influence of the political economy on children’s health. These are 1. Socio-economic conditions; 2.Women’s health; 3. Access to health care services. Socio-economic conditions have the most direct influence of the three (Scheper-Hughes). Economical problems quickly translate into financial problems for poor families (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Families are no longer able to afford enough food to meet their basis calorific needs, this leads to malnutrition and as a result growth faltering among children (Cliff& Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). This will also adversely effect the health of mothers, leaving them weakened and unable to render sufficient care. In Mozambique the war significantly reduces the amount of time that mother’s have to spend with their children. The reduced family income means more time spent looking for additional income in urban areas and increased travelling time in rural ones. The unstable climate of the country has led to hospitals becoming unsafe as well as making it almost impossible for mobile units to operate. Immunisations have dropped, leaving a generation of children vulnerable to diseases that could have been prevented (Cliff & Noormahomed).
In Brazil, the body imagery used by mothers in the rural shantytown closely mimics the reality of the larger society they inhabit. Mothers see themselves as unfit to produce anything of value when unable to produce milk to feed their child. They replicate social stratification, using words usually linked to a particular class to characterise their children. There are even cases of so called “selective neglect” where mothers neglect babies that they believe are weak to such an extend that they eventually die (Scheper-Hughes). Monetary constraints on these mother’s capacity to raise happy, healthy children adds a deeper dimension to a story that is often told from an ethnocentric point of view. Women who cannot afford healthcare or the economic burden of caring for a sickly child are often harshly judged (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). And while at first glance their behaviour may seem callous and uncaring, without taking the time to look a bit deeper, we do these women an immense injustice (Scheper-Hughes).
Conclusion
Although it may be tempting to fall into the trap of ‘victim blaming’ when one looks at malnourished children in poverty stricken areas, this does not address the real issues at hand (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Instead of reprimanding a mother for not taking better care of her children, we would be better off taking the time to examine the wider socio-economical factors that influence their ability to care for their children (Scheper-Hughes). A mother may be willing to take proper care of her children, without having the means to. Being able to tell the difference between unwilling and unable is the only way to do these women justice (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes).
References:
• Cliff, J. & Noormahomed, A.R. 1993 ‘The Impact of War On Children’s Health in Mozambique’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 36 (7)
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ In Soc. Sci. Med. 19 (5)
Traditional Healers
Traditional Healers: Stuck in the Past, or Part of the Future?
Traditional healers have been practicing alongside biomedicine for such a long time (Freedman&Motsei 1992; Hellenberg 2004; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit 1998) , that it almost comes as a shock that they have yet to be included in the national health care system (Hopa&Symbayi). Medical doctors tend to view traditional healers and traditional medicine with barely concealed contempt (Hellenberg). Putting it down to savage trickery mainly concerned with duping the uneducated into parting with their hard-earned cash for the medical equivalent of pixie dust (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). This is due in part to the negative media coverage that traditional medicine tends to generate, mixed with a fair amount of bias reserved for all alternative medicine (Hellenberg).
Despite this suspicion on the part of biomedicine, there are still thousands of South Africans who make use of traditional healers in some form of another (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit). Estimates vary, but they go as high as 80% (Hopa,Simbayi&duToit). This means that a significant amount of people living in south Africa today use traditional healers either as an alternative to western medicine, or as a complementary aid ( Freedman& Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). Conventional wisdom would have us believe that these traditional healers operate mainly in rural areas where the residents have either no alternative, or simply “don’t know any better” (Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). However, for 80% of the population to make use of traditional healers in some degree this simply cannot be the case.
The reasons why people make use of traditional healers are numerous (Freedman& Motsei). Yet there is a common thread that runs through those sited that has more to do with how traditional healers operate than where they are (Hellenberg). Traditional healers tend to take a holistic approach to healing, looking not only at the symptoms of the illness, but trying to explain the cause as well (Freeman&Motsei; Feierman&Jansen 1992). They view illness in a social context and will often explain the illness in terms of the individuals’ family or group (Freeman& Motsei; Feierman&Jansen; Hellenberg). This view when combined with the complete faith that customers often place in their traditional healer makes traditional healers especially effective when treating psychosomatic illness (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). They have also shown remarkable skill when it comes to treating psychological problems (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit).
The place for traditional healers in the South African health care system cannot be ignored, but deciding that they need to be included on its own is not enough (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). There are genuine concerns that have been raised about some treatments offered by traditional healers (Freeman&Motsei, Hellenberg). These include: sucking on wounds, herbal enemas for dehydration, poor success rate when handling visual problems and the use of toxic herbs (Hellenberg). These risks exist, but I would rather argue that intensive training and regulations would be more beneficial to the public, than simply excluding them all together (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). At the moment, there is no standard procedure to either training or registering traditional healers, paving the way for charlatans with false claims. Regulating traditional healers would not only protect the public, but also those traditional healers who are in fact rendering a valuable service (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit).
Some standardised form of training for traditional healers would minimize potentially negative treatments and also better equip traditional healers to serve their customers (Freeman& Motsei; Hellenberg). It should also lend legitimacy to traditional healers in the eyes of western medicine, which would have a positive impact on their professional relationship (Hellenberg). Traditional healers clearly have a role to play, and anything that can be done to facilitate their successful inclusion in the health care system would benefit all concerned.
References:
• Freeman, M. & Motsei,M. 1992 ‘Planning Health Care in South Africa – Is there a role for traditional healers?’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 34 (11)
• Feierman, S. & Jansen, J. 1992 ‘Introduction’ in Feierman, S & Jansen, J (eds.) The Social Basis of Health and Healing in Africa. Berkeley: University California Press.
• Hellenberg, D. (ed) 2004 ‘Bridging the Gap – African Traditional Healing’ by Cameron, N., Coetzee,E., Keikelame,J., Pillay,M., Ramdass, R., Rangaka,T., Stulting, A., Tereblance, J., Vivian, L., South African Medical Association.
• Hopa,M., Simbayi, L.C., & du Toit, C.D. 1998 ‘Perceptions on Integration of Traditional and Western Healing in the New South Africa’ in South African Journal of Psychology. 28 (1)
Traditional healers have been practicing alongside biomedicine for such a long time (Freedman&Motsei 1992; Hellenberg 2004; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit 1998) , that it almost comes as a shock that they have yet to be included in the national health care system (Hopa&Symbayi). Medical doctors tend to view traditional healers and traditional medicine with barely concealed contempt (Hellenberg). Putting it down to savage trickery mainly concerned with duping the uneducated into parting with their hard-earned cash for the medical equivalent of pixie dust (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). This is due in part to the negative media coverage that traditional medicine tends to generate, mixed with a fair amount of bias reserved for all alternative medicine (Hellenberg).
Despite this suspicion on the part of biomedicine, there are still thousands of South Africans who make use of traditional healers in some form of another (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit). Estimates vary, but they go as high as 80% (Hopa,Simbayi&duToit). This means that a significant amount of people living in south Africa today use traditional healers either as an alternative to western medicine, or as a complementary aid ( Freedman& Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). Conventional wisdom would have us believe that these traditional healers operate mainly in rural areas where the residents have either no alternative, or simply “don’t know any better” (Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). However, for 80% of the population to make use of traditional healers in some degree this simply cannot be the case.
The reasons why people make use of traditional healers are numerous (Freedman& Motsei). Yet there is a common thread that runs through those sited that has more to do with how traditional healers operate than where they are (Hellenberg). Traditional healers tend to take a holistic approach to healing, looking not only at the symptoms of the illness, but trying to explain the cause as well (Freeman&Motsei; Feierman&Jansen 1992). They view illness in a social context and will often explain the illness in terms of the individuals’ family or group (Freeman& Motsei; Feierman&Jansen; Hellenberg). This view when combined with the complete faith that customers often place in their traditional healer makes traditional healers especially effective when treating psychosomatic illness (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). They have also shown remarkable skill when it comes to treating psychological problems (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit).
The place for traditional healers in the South African health care system cannot be ignored, but deciding that they need to be included on its own is not enough (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). There are genuine concerns that have been raised about some treatments offered by traditional healers (Freeman&Motsei, Hellenberg). These include: sucking on wounds, herbal enemas for dehydration, poor success rate when handling visual problems and the use of toxic herbs (Hellenberg). These risks exist, but I would rather argue that intensive training and regulations would be more beneficial to the public, than simply excluding them all together (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). At the moment, there is no standard procedure to either training or registering traditional healers, paving the way for charlatans with false claims. Regulating traditional healers would not only protect the public, but also those traditional healers who are in fact rendering a valuable service (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit).
Some standardised form of training for traditional healers would minimize potentially negative treatments and also better equip traditional healers to serve their customers (Freeman& Motsei; Hellenberg). It should also lend legitimacy to traditional healers in the eyes of western medicine, which would have a positive impact on their professional relationship (Hellenberg). Traditional healers clearly have a role to play, and anything that can be done to facilitate their successful inclusion in the health care system would benefit all concerned.
References:
• Freeman, M. & Motsei,M. 1992 ‘Planning Health Care in South Africa – Is there a role for traditional healers?’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 34 (11)
• Feierman, S. & Jansen, J. 1992 ‘Introduction’ in Feierman, S & Jansen, J (eds.) The Social Basis of Health and Healing in Africa. Berkeley: University California Press.
• Hellenberg, D. (ed) 2004 ‘Bridging the Gap – African Traditional Healing’ by Cameron, N., Coetzee,E., Keikelame,J., Pillay,M., Ramdass, R., Rangaka,T., Stulting, A., Tereblance, J., Vivian, L., South African Medical Association.
• Hopa,M., Simbayi, L.C., & du Toit, C.D. 1998 ‘Perceptions on Integration of Traditional and Western Healing in the New South Africa’ in South African Journal of Psychology. 28 (1)
Body fluids
Using Conceptions of Body Fluids,
To Build a Social System of Control
In this paper I examine the complex phenomenon of body fluids, paying particular attention to concepts such as “purity” and “pollution” as they relate to the mutual exchange of these fluids. I discuss the social control afforded by a community’s interpretation of this exchange, while paying particular attention to the effects this has on the relationship and interaction between the sexes. To facilitate this examination, I make use of a number of ethnographic case studies searching for particular similarities and differences between them in order to give a more holistic interpretation of the information gained from such studies. To do this I draw on the works of Barrett (2002); Calhoun (2002); Dias (1961); Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Scheper-Hughes (1984); Taylor (1990) and Turner (1957)
The effects of “purity” and “pollution” on social organization
Even in studies where the concepts of “purity” and “pollution” are not directly mentioned one can often find covert references to their effects (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Ethnographers will sometimes describe cleansing rituals in great detail, without delving deeper into the belief system that underpins it as can be seen in the works of Dias (1961) and Turner (1957). The complexity of social organization makes any form of outside interpretation of such a system problematic, not always due to any failing on the part of ethnographers, but simply because the majority of social conventions are such an integral part of life that informants are no longer even aware of their existence (Barrett:2002). Religion and health in particular are closely connected to the concept of pollution, and need to be considered when the time comes to interpret both the concept and the ideology that lends it its meaning (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
The concepts of purity and pollution are complex terms made up of various layers, effectively forming the foundation of a system of distinctions that controls behaviour and establishes and individual’s status in a particular group (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957) . There are different ways that a person can become ‘contaminated’ or ‘polluted’ and the effects of this pollution can also vary in intensity (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989). There are cases when pollution may be permanent, and since polluted individuals must operate on the boundaries of society, there are often a complex system of rituals and taboos to determine the behaviour of ‘pure’ individuals, lest they also become contaminated as can be seen in Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Turner (1957). In addition to this it is possible to distinguish between pollution that is physical, and thus affects the physical body and pollution that is spiritual (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Practical interaction based on symbolic meaning
These concepts of purity and pollution is closely intertwined with the symbolic meaning of body fluids (Farmer: 1988; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Bodily fluids such as blood, saliva, semen, vaginal fluids, breast milk and even urine become complex when viewed in the particular social context that surrounds them as can be seen in the apposing views of people living in Rwanda (Taylor:1990) and those in Sambia (Herdt:1982). This social context is vital when it comes to interpreting the symbolism behind these meanings, since it directly influences and guides the belief system that lends meaning to these fluids (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Scheper-Hughes:1984; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).
In the work of Scheper-Hughes (1984) in the rural shantytown of Northeast Brazil mothers project their own social conditions directly onto interpretations of their bodies. They see themselves as worthless and as such, believe themselves to be unable to produce anything of value. This belief is related to their unwillingness to breastfeed their infants, not only because of their perceived inability to produce nourishing milk, but also due to fear that their own failings will be transmitted to their offspring.
The idea of being able to transmit negative qualities through breast milk is also found in rural Haiti as can be seen in the work of Farmer (1988), where a “folk illness” known as move san is thought to be transmitted via the infected mother’s breast milk to her infant. Directly translated as “bad blood”, move san systematically infects a mother’s entire body and if left untreated it may even be fatal. Just as was the case in Brazil, this fear of transmission plays an important part in mothers’ decision for early weaning.
Yet it is not only between mothers and infants where a physical exchange of body fluids becomes enriched with symbolic meaning, it also plays a significant role in the interaction between males and females (Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). Residents of Rwanda, the South African Lowveld and even New Guinea believe that the body is not bounded, but permeable (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). This belief that the body is able to transmit and integrate substances to and from other bodies, acts as a powerful regulator for social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).
In Herdt’s 1982 work on Sambia, women in particular are seen as a dangerous threat to male dominance and vitality and this perceived threat directly impacts on all social interaction between the sexes. Women are seen as “potentially contaminating” and the man becomes responsible for performing ritual “cleansing” acts to protect himself. The most prominent of these acts comes in the form of ritual bloodletting, where the man induces nose bleeding in himself in an effort to protect himself from the effects of female contamination.
A variant of this idea of contamination is present in both Hammond-Tooke’s (1989) and Niehaus’ (2002) work on the perceptions of villagers in the South African Lowveld, where contamination can give rise to a dangerous condition known as fiša (heat). They deal with this threat by practicing a variety of taboos regarding sex, pregnancy and death in an effort to circumvent contamination. In both these instances taboos highlight the direct impact of pollution beliefs on social behaviour with regards to regulating social interaction.
Not all cultures perceive the exchange of bodily fluids in such a negative light however. In fact, in Taylor’s (1990) study in Rwanda this exchange is loaded with meanings related to the socially ordered flow of fluids and any attempts to block this flow endangers the persons involved. Instead of seeing male and female as separate entities that need to avoid contact as far as possible to maintain male dominance, the relationship becomes a partnership with each individual contributing a vital component to the other’s health and happiness. The Rwandan body is never seen as a frozen entity, but rather remains fractal, constantly involved in reciprocal flow and being built up by “gifts” received from those around it.
Passing the buck: Pollution and BlamePollution and polluted individuals can be blamed for a gamut of evils ranging from health issues to drought (Hammond-Tooke:1989). This is found in both Brazil and Haiti, where the mother’s perceived inability to produce anything of value becomes a metaphor for her perception of own social situation (Farmer:1988; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Among the Zulu pollution is seen in terms of ‘darkness’ and this causes anything from general misfortune to a lack of resistance to disease. Among the Kgaga who live in the Lowveld, fiša is associated with any illness that is associated to fever and in cases such as miscarriages there is wide-ranging effects, even in the country as a whole. Women who had miscarriages and concealed them risked toppling the entire country into a drought, since the hidden foetus would keep the rain away (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Relation between gender and pollution
Most of the effects of pollution are not so far reaching however, and the greatest danger seems to be to men (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This is the case in Sambia (Herdt:1982), the Lowveld (Niehaus:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989), among the Nguni as well as the Zulu (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Women are stigmatised as the harbourers of pollution, turning the interactions between male and female members of the community into a complicated web of social conventions (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This stigma is particularly effective for ensuring the subjugation of the women in question, since any male who goes against such convention runs a very real risk of having himself relegated to the same restrictions in which the females find themselves (Herdt:1982). People have difficulty coping with vague classifications due to uncertain boundaries, and the concept of pollution can be seen as an attempt to cope with such confusions. It is often the case that people become polluted when they are going through the transformation from one category to another, as is the case with pregnant mothers, widows, corpses, travellers etc. It is during this transformation time that ritual “fences” are build against them, to protect the rest of the community from them, until such time when they can safely be classified again (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Conclusion
Despite the obvious complexity surrounding the concepts of purity and pollution, the daunting task of their interpretation remains an important one. Their influence may not always manifest itself in overt ways, but this does not diminish their importance when it comes to interpreting social phenomena (Hammond-Tooke:1989). By dividing the population into groups of “pure” or “polluted” individuals, distinctions are made in social status and this distinction serves as a powerful control mechanism over social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). The social control afforded by the possibility of being branded “polluted” and relegated to the fringes, serves an important mechanism for ensuring the stability of a community’s social organization even when the world is changing around it (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). This is particularly important to the maintenance of the hegemonic social position occupied for the most part by the male members of such communities (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). Without such mechanisms, they would risk greater resistance from women who are no longer willing to submit themselves to such subjugation and such resistance would lead to the subsequent rearrangement of their current social order (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
References.• Barrett, S.R. 2002 ‘Part one: Building the Discipline’ and ‘Unleashing the Anthropologist: A Historical Overview’ in Anthropology: A student’s guide to theory and method University of Toronto Press Inc.: Canada pg.3-83
• Calhoun, C (ed.) 2002 ‘Definition: Purity and Pollution’ in Dictionary of the Social Sciences Oxford University Press: Oxford
• Dias, A.J. 1961 ‘The Makonde People: Social Life’ in Portuguese Contribution to Cultural Anthropology Witwatersrand University Press: Johannesburg, pg. 47-61
• Farmer, P 1988 ‘Bad Blood, Spoiled Milk: Bodily Fluids as Moral Barometers in Rural Haiti’ in American Ethnologist, Vol.15, No.1, Medical Anthropology, (Feb.1988) pg.62-83
• Hammond-Tooke, D 1989 ‘Pollution’ in Rituals and Medicines: Indigenous Healing in South Africa, AD. Donker (pty.) Ltd.: Johannesburg pg.91-102
• Herdt, G 1982 ‘Sambia Nosebleeding Rites and Male Proximity to Women’ in Ethos, Vol.10 (3): 189-231
• Niehaus, I 2002 ‘Bodies, Heat and Taboos: Conceptualizing Modern Personhood in the South African Lowveld’ in Ethnology, Vol.41(3): 189-207
• Scheper-Hughes, N 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ in Social Sciences Med. Vol.19(5): 535-546
• Taylor, C.C. 1990 ‘Condoms and Cosmology: The ‘Fractal’ Person and Sexual Risk in Rwanda’ in Soc. Sci. Med. Vol.31(9): 1023-1028
• Turner, V.W 1957 ‘Matrilineal Succession and the Dynamics of Village Intrigue’ and ‘The Structural Implications of Virilocal Marriage Within the Village’ in Schism and Continuity in an African Society: A Study of Ndembu Village Life Manchester University Press: Manchester, pg.131-168; 234-258
To Build a Social System of Control
In this paper I examine the complex phenomenon of body fluids, paying particular attention to concepts such as “purity” and “pollution” as they relate to the mutual exchange of these fluids. I discuss the social control afforded by a community’s interpretation of this exchange, while paying particular attention to the effects this has on the relationship and interaction between the sexes. To facilitate this examination, I make use of a number of ethnographic case studies searching for particular similarities and differences between them in order to give a more holistic interpretation of the information gained from such studies. To do this I draw on the works of Barrett (2002); Calhoun (2002); Dias (1961); Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Scheper-Hughes (1984); Taylor (1990) and Turner (1957)
The effects of “purity” and “pollution” on social organization
Even in studies where the concepts of “purity” and “pollution” are not directly mentioned one can often find covert references to their effects (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Ethnographers will sometimes describe cleansing rituals in great detail, without delving deeper into the belief system that underpins it as can be seen in the works of Dias (1961) and Turner (1957). The complexity of social organization makes any form of outside interpretation of such a system problematic, not always due to any failing on the part of ethnographers, but simply because the majority of social conventions are such an integral part of life that informants are no longer even aware of their existence (Barrett:2002). Religion and health in particular are closely connected to the concept of pollution, and need to be considered when the time comes to interpret both the concept and the ideology that lends it its meaning (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
The concepts of purity and pollution are complex terms made up of various layers, effectively forming the foundation of a system of distinctions that controls behaviour and establishes and individual’s status in a particular group (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957) . There are different ways that a person can become ‘contaminated’ or ‘polluted’ and the effects of this pollution can also vary in intensity (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989). There are cases when pollution may be permanent, and since polluted individuals must operate on the boundaries of society, there are often a complex system of rituals and taboos to determine the behaviour of ‘pure’ individuals, lest they also become contaminated as can be seen in Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Turner (1957). In addition to this it is possible to distinguish between pollution that is physical, and thus affects the physical body and pollution that is spiritual (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Practical interaction based on symbolic meaning
These concepts of purity and pollution is closely intertwined with the symbolic meaning of body fluids (Farmer: 1988; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Bodily fluids such as blood, saliva, semen, vaginal fluids, breast milk and even urine become complex when viewed in the particular social context that surrounds them as can be seen in the apposing views of people living in Rwanda (Taylor:1990) and those in Sambia (Herdt:1982). This social context is vital when it comes to interpreting the symbolism behind these meanings, since it directly influences and guides the belief system that lends meaning to these fluids (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Scheper-Hughes:1984; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).
In the work of Scheper-Hughes (1984) in the rural shantytown of Northeast Brazil mothers project their own social conditions directly onto interpretations of their bodies. They see themselves as worthless and as such, believe themselves to be unable to produce anything of value. This belief is related to their unwillingness to breastfeed their infants, not only because of their perceived inability to produce nourishing milk, but also due to fear that their own failings will be transmitted to their offspring.
The idea of being able to transmit negative qualities through breast milk is also found in rural Haiti as can be seen in the work of Farmer (1988), where a “folk illness” known as move san is thought to be transmitted via the infected mother’s breast milk to her infant. Directly translated as “bad blood”, move san systematically infects a mother’s entire body and if left untreated it may even be fatal. Just as was the case in Brazil, this fear of transmission plays an important part in mothers’ decision for early weaning.
Yet it is not only between mothers and infants where a physical exchange of body fluids becomes enriched with symbolic meaning, it also plays a significant role in the interaction between males and females (Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). Residents of Rwanda, the South African Lowveld and even New Guinea believe that the body is not bounded, but permeable (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). This belief that the body is able to transmit and integrate substances to and from other bodies, acts as a powerful regulator for social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).
In Herdt’s 1982 work on Sambia, women in particular are seen as a dangerous threat to male dominance and vitality and this perceived threat directly impacts on all social interaction between the sexes. Women are seen as “potentially contaminating” and the man becomes responsible for performing ritual “cleansing” acts to protect himself. The most prominent of these acts comes in the form of ritual bloodletting, where the man induces nose bleeding in himself in an effort to protect himself from the effects of female contamination.
A variant of this idea of contamination is present in both Hammond-Tooke’s (1989) and Niehaus’ (2002) work on the perceptions of villagers in the South African Lowveld, where contamination can give rise to a dangerous condition known as fiša (heat). They deal with this threat by practicing a variety of taboos regarding sex, pregnancy and death in an effort to circumvent contamination. In both these instances taboos highlight the direct impact of pollution beliefs on social behaviour with regards to regulating social interaction.
Not all cultures perceive the exchange of bodily fluids in such a negative light however. In fact, in Taylor’s (1990) study in Rwanda this exchange is loaded with meanings related to the socially ordered flow of fluids and any attempts to block this flow endangers the persons involved. Instead of seeing male and female as separate entities that need to avoid contact as far as possible to maintain male dominance, the relationship becomes a partnership with each individual contributing a vital component to the other’s health and happiness. The Rwandan body is never seen as a frozen entity, but rather remains fractal, constantly involved in reciprocal flow and being built up by “gifts” received from those around it.
Passing the buck: Pollution and BlamePollution and polluted individuals can be blamed for a gamut of evils ranging from health issues to drought (Hammond-Tooke:1989). This is found in both Brazil and Haiti, where the mother’s perceived inability to produce anything of value becomes a metaphor for her perception of own social situation (Farmer:1988; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Among the Zulu pollution is seen in terms of ‘darkness’ and this causes anything from general misfortune to a lack of resistance to disease. Among the Kgaga who live in the Lowveld, fiša is associated with any illness that is associated to fever and in cases such as miscarriages there is wide-ranging effects, even in the country as a whole. Women who had miscarriages and concealed them risked toppling the entire country into a drought, since the hidden foetus would keep the rain away (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Relation between gender and pollution
Most of the effects of pollution are not so far reaching however, and the greatest danger seems to be to men (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This is the case in Sambia (Herdt:1982), the Lowveld (Niehaus:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989), among the Nguni as well as the Zulu (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Women are stigmatised as the harbourers of pollution, turning the interactions between male and female members of the community into a complicated web of social conventions (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This stigma is particularly effective for ensuring the subjugation of the women in question, since any male who goes against such convention runs a very real risk of having himself relegated to the same restrictions in which the females find themselves (Herdt:1982). People have difficulty coping with vague classifications due to uncertain boundaries, and the concept of pollution can be seen as an attempt to cope with such confusions. It is often the case that people become polluted when they are going through the transformation from one category to another, as is the case with pregnant mothers, widows, corpses, travellers etc. It is during this transformation time that ritual “fences” are build against them, to protect the rest of the community from them, until such time when they can safely be classified again (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Conclusion
Despite the obvious complexity surrounding the concepts of purity and pollution, the daunting task of their interpretation remains an important one. Their influence may not always manifest itself in overt ways, but this does not diminish their importance when it comes to interpreting social phenomena (Hammond-Tooke:1989). By dividing the population into groups of “pure” or “polluted” individuals, distinctions are made in social status and this distinction serves as a powerful control mechanism over social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). The social control afforded by the possibility of being branded “polluted” and relegated to the fringes, serves an important mechanism for ensuring the stability of a community’s social organization even when the world is changing around it (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). This is particularly important to the maintenance of the hegemonic social position occupied for the most part by the male members of such communities (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). Without such mechanisms, they would risk greater resistance from women who are no longer willing to submit themselves to such subjugation and such resistance would lead to the subsequent rearrangement of their current social order (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
References.• Barrett, S.R. 2002 ‘Part one: Building the Discipline’ and ‘Unleashing the Anthropologist: A Historical Overview’ in Anthropology: A student’s guide to theory and method University of Toronto Press Inc.: Canada pg.3-83
• Calhoun, C (ed.) 2002 ‘Definition: Purity and Pollution’ in Dictionary of the Social Sciences Oxford University Press: Oxford
• Dias, A.J. 1961 ‘The Makonde People: Social Life’ in Portuguese Contribution to Cultural Anthropology Witwatersrand University Press: Johannesburg, pg. 47-61
• Farmer, P 1988 ‘Bad Blood, Spoiled Milk: Bodily Fluids as Moral Barometers in Rural Haiti’ in American Ethnologist, Vol.15, No.1, Medical Anthropology, (Feb.1988) pg.62-83
• Hammond-Tooke, D 1989 ‘Pollution’ in Rituals and Medicines: Indigenous Healing in South Africa, AD. Donker (pty.) Ltd.: Johannesburg pg.91-102
• Herdt, G 1982 ‘Sambia Nosebleeding Rites and Male Proximity to Women’ in Ethos, Vol.10 (3): 189-231
• Niehaus, I 2002 ‘Bodies, Heat and Taboos: Conceptualizing Modern Personhood in the South African Lowveld’ in Ethnology, Vol.41(3): 189-207
• Scheper-Hughes, N 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ in Social Sciences Med. Vol.19(5): 535-546
• Taylor, C.C. 1990 ‘Condoms and Cosmology: The ‘Fractal’ Person and Sexual Risk in Rwanda’ in Soc. Sci. Med. Vol.31(9): 1023-1028
• Turner, V.W 1957 ‘Matrilineal Succession and the Dynamics of Village Intrigue’ and ‘The Structural Implications of Virilocal Marriage Within the Village’ in Schism and Continuity in an African Society: A Study of Ndembu Village Life Manchester University Press: Manchester, pg.131-168; 234-258
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