Body fluids

Using Conceptions of Body Fluids,
To Build a Social System of Control

In this paper I examine the complex phenomenon of body fluids, paying particular attention to concepts such as “purity” and “pollution” as they relate to the mutual exchange of these fluids. I discuss the social control afforded by a community’s interpretation of this exchange, while paying particular attention to the effects this has on the relationship and interaction between the sexes. To facilitate this examination, I make use of a number of ethnographic case studies searching for particular similarities and differences between them in order to give a more holistic interpretation of the information gained from such studies. To do this I draw on the works of Barrett (2002); Calhoun (2002); Dias (1961); Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Scheper-Hughes (1984); Taylor (1990) and Turner (1957)

The effects of “purity” and “pollution” on social organization

Even in studies where the concepts of “purity” and “pollution” are not directly mentioned one can often find covert references to their effects (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Ethnographers will sometimes describe cleansing rituals in great detail, without delving deeper into the belief system that underpins it as can be seen in the works of Dias (1961) and Turner (1957). The complexity of social organization makes any form of outside interpretation of such a system problematic, not always due to any failing on the part of ethnographers, but simply because the majority of social conventions are such an integral part of life that informants are no longer even aware of their existence (Barrett:2002). Religion and health in particular are closely connected to the concept of pollution, and need to be considered when the time comes to interpret both the concept and the ideology that lends it its meaning (Hammond-Tooke:1989).

The concepts of purity and pollution are complex terms made up of various layers, effectively forming the foundation of a system of distinctions that controls behaviour and establishes and individual’s status in a particular group (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957) . There are different ways that a person can become ‘contaminated’ or ‘polluted’ and the effects of this pollution can also vary in intensity (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989). There are cases when pollution may be permanent, and since polluted individuals must operate on the boundaries of society, there are often a complex system of rituals and taboos to determine the behaviour of ‘pure’ individuals, lest they also become contaminated as can be seen in Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Turner (1957). In addition to this it is possible to distinguish between pollution that is physical, and thus affects the physical body and pollution that is spiritual (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989).

Practical interaction based on symbolic meaning

These concepts of purity and pollution is closely intertwined with the symbolic meaning of body fluids (Farmer: 1988; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Bodily fluids such as blood, saliva, semen, vaginal fluids, breast milk and even urine become complex when viewed in the particular social context that surrounds them as can be seen in the apposing views of people living in Rwanda (Taylor:1990) and those in Sambia (Herdt:1982). This social context is vital when it comes to interpreting the symbolism behind these meanings, since it directly influences and guides the belief system that lends meaning to these fluids (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Scheper-Hughes:1984; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).


In the work of Scheper-Hughes (1984) in the rural shantytown of Northeast Brazil mothers project their own social conditions directly onto interpretations of their bodies. They see themselves as worthless and as such, believe themselves to be unable to produce anything of value. This belief is related to their unwillingness to breastfeed their infants, not only because of their perceived inability to produce nourishing milk, but also due to fear that their own failings will be transmitted to their offspring.

The idea of being able to transmit negative qualities through breast milk is also found in rural Haiti as can be seen in the work of Farmer (1988), where a “folk illness” known as move san is thought to be transmitted via the infected mother’s breast milk to her infant. Directly translated as “bad blood”, move san systematically infects a mother’s entire body and if left untreated it may even be fatal. Just as was the case in Brazil, this fear of transmission plays an important part in mothers’ decision for early weaning.

Yet it is not only between mothers and infants where a physical exchange of body fluids becomes enriched with symbolic meaning, it also plays a significant role in the interaction between males and females (Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). Residents of Rwanda, the South African Lowveld and even New Guinea believe that the body is not bounded, but permeable (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). This belief that the body is able to transmit and integrate substances to and from other bodies, acts as a powerful regulator for social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).

In Herdt’s 1982 work on Sambia, women in particular are seen as a dangerous threat to male dominance and vitality and this perceived threat directly impacts on all social interaction between the sexes. Women are seen as “potentially contaminating” and the man becomes responsible for performing ritual “cleansing” acts to protect himself. The most prominent of these acts comes in the form of ritual bloodletting, where the man induces nose bleeding in himself in an effort to protect himself from the effects of female contamination.

A variant of this idea of contamination is present in both Hammond-Tooke’s (1989) and Niehaus’ (2002) work on the perceptions of villagers in the South African Lowveld, where contamination can give rise to a dangerous condition known as fiša (heat). They deal with this threat by practicing a variety of taboos regarding sex, pregnancy and death in an effort to circumvent contamination. In both these instances taboos highlight the direct impact of pollution beliefs on social behaviour with regards to regulating social interaction.

Not all cultures perceive the exchange of bodily fluids in such a negative light however. In fact, in Taylor’s (1990) study in Rwanda this exchange is loaded with meanings related to the socially ordered flow of fluids and any attempts to block this flow endangers the persons involved. Instead of seeing male and female as separate entities that need to avoid contact as far as possible to maintain male dominance, the relationship becomes a partnership with each individual contributing a vital component to the other’s health and happiness. The Rwandan body is never seen as a frozen entity, but rather remains fractal, constantly involved in reciprocal flow and being built up by “gifts” received from those around it.

Passing the buck: Pollution and BlamePollution and polluted individuals can be blamed for a gamut of evils ranging from health issues to drought (Hammond-Tooke:1989). This is found in both Brazil and Haiti, where the mother’s perceived inability to produce anything of value becomes a metaphor for her perception of own social situation (Farmer:1988; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Among the Zulu pollution is seen in terms of ‘darkness’ and this causes anything from general misfortune to a lack of resistance to disease. Among the Kgaga who live in the Lowveld, fiša is associated with any illness that is associated to fever and in cases such as miscarriages there is wide-ranging effects, even in the country as a whole. Women who had miscarriages and concealed them risked toppling the entire country into a drought, since the hidden foetus would keep the rain away (Hammond-Tooke:1989).

Relation between gender and pollution

Most of the effects of pollution are not so far reaching however, and the greatest danger seems to be to men (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This is the case in Sambia (Herdt:1982), the Lowveld (Niehaus:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989), among the Nguni as well as the Zulu (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Women are stigmatised as the harbourers of pollution, turning the interactions between male and female members of the community into a complicated web of social conventions (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This stigma is particularly effective for ensuring the subjugation of the women in question, since any male who goes against such convention runs a very real risk of having himself relegated to the same restrictions in which the females find themselves (Herdt:1982). People have difficulty coping with vague classifications due to uncertain boundaries, and the concept of pollution can be seen as an attempt to cope with such confusions. It is often the case that people become polluted when they are going through the transformation from one category to another, as is the case with pregnant mothers, widows, corpses, travellers etc. It is during this transformation time that ritual “fences” are build against them, to protect the rest of the community from them, until such time when they can safely be classified again (Hammond-Tooke:1989).




Conclusion

Despite the obvious complexity surrounding the concepts of purity and pollution, the daunting task of their interpretation remains an important one. Their influence may not always manifest itself in overt ways, but this does not diminish their importance when it comes to interpreting social phenomena (Hammond-Tooke:1989). By dividing the population into groups of “pure” or “polluted” individuals, distinctions are made in social status and this distinction serves as a powerful control mechanism over social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). The social control afforded by the possibility of being branded “polluted” and relegated to the fringes, serves an important mechanism for ensuring the stability of a community’s social organization even when the world is changing around it (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). This is particularly important to the maintenance of the hegemonic social position occupied for the most part by the male members of such communities (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). Without such mechanisms, they would risk greater resistance from women who are no longer willing to submit themselves to such subjugation and such resistance would lead to the subsequent rearrangement of their current social order (Hammond-Tooke:1989).


References.• Barrett, S.R. 2002 ‘Part one: Building the Discipline’ and ‘Unleashing the Anthropologist: A Historical Overview’ in Anthropology: A student’s guide to theory and method University of Toronto Press Inc.: Canada pg.3-83
• Calhoun, C (ed.) 2002 ‘Definition: Purity and Pollution’ in Dictionary of the Social Sciences Oxford University Press: Oxford
• Dias, A.J. 1961 ‘The Makonde People: Social Life’ in Portuguese Contribution to Cultural Anthropology Witwatersrand University Press: Johannesburg, pg. 47-61
• Farmer, P 1988 ‘Bad Blood, Spoiled Milk: Bodily Fluids as Moral Barometers in Rural Haiti’ in American Ethnologist, Vol.15, No.1, Medical Anthropology, (Feb.1988) pg.62-83
• Hammond-Tooke, D 1989 ‘Pollution’ in Rituals and Medicines: Indigenous Healing in South Africa, AD. Donker (pty.) Ltd.: Johannesburg pg.91-102
• Herdt, G 1982 ‘Sambia Nosebleeding Rites and Male Proximity to Women’ in Ethos, Vol.10 (3): 189-231
• Niehaus, I 2002 ‘Bodies, Heat and Taboos: Conceptualizing Modern Personhood in the South African Lowveld’ in Ethnology, Vol.41(3): 189-207
• Scheper-Hughes, N 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ in Social Sciences Med. Vol.19(5): 535-546
• Taylor, C.C. 1990 ‘Condoms and Cosmology: The ‘Fractal’ Person and Sexual Risk in Rwanda’ in Soc. Sci. Med. Vol.31(9): 1023-1028
• Turner, V.W 1957 ‘Matrilineal Succession and the Dynamics of Village Intrigue’ and ‘The Structural Implications of Virilocal Marriage Within the Village’ in Schism and Continuity in an African Society: A Study of Ndembu Village Life Manchester University Press: Manchester, pg.131-168; 234-258