‘Talk is Cheap,
But Lies are Expensive’
This study begins with a comparative analysis of the difference in perspectives between young adult males currently studying at the Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University, mainly with regards to sexuality and HIV/AIDS. I chose two groups from the student population. The first, consisting of young adult males who grew up in cities. And second, young adult males who grew up in ‘platteland’ communities. By doing this I test the common assumption, that those who grew up in cities, would be better informed than their ‘platteland’ counterparts. With ‘platteland’ meaning farming communities, and with participants either residing in a small town or on a farm. These two groups provided the ‘urban’ vs. ‘rural’ concept that is used throughout the paper. In addition to this I examine the presumed connection between, the amount of sexual knowledge and sexual practice. In an effort to establish if their level of sexual knowledge was the main determining factor when it came to participants’ choices regarding sexual conduct. Instead, I found that the dominant narrative that emerged, was religion. From this, I analyse the influence of the religious hegemonic discourse on participants’ social organisation and behaviour. I do this drawing on the works of: Ashcraft (2006); Bird (1996); Campbell (1997); Dowsett (2003); Farmer (1995); Kiesling (2001, Volume 11, Number 1); Kiesling (2001, Volume 11, Number2); Klein (2000); Levine & Ross (2002); Watson (n.d)
Background
The North-West University is the product of a merger of the University of the North-West with that of the Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education and consists of three campuses namely: Mafikeng, Potchefstroom and Vaal Triangle. This study was conducted on the Potchefstroom campus of the North-West University. This campus was formerly known as the Potchefstroom University for Higher Education, and most of the participants refer to it as the PUK (Our recent history). Despite the fact that things have changed in recent years, there still exists a strong sense of tradition. This sense of tradition and the focus on religious values consistently draws students who claim to subscribe to these same religious beliefs (Why the NWU-PUK Campus?). But even when the majority of students describe themselves as religious, that does not mean that they will always see eye to eye when it comes to sexuality.
Literature Review
Ashcraft’s (2006) paper on teen sexuality shows how the dominant discourses of sexuality not only shape social identities, but also serve to reinforce social inequalities. Another common element is the way in which participants revise dominant discourses, challenging some while incorporating others, actively participating in the creation of their own social order.
Bird’s (1996) paper concerning multiple masculinities and the maintenance of hegemonic masculinity is interesting when viewed in relation to the current study. The way Bird describes how individuals who differ from the masculine norm are pushed aside and condemned bears a strong resemblance to the reactions displayed by the members of the abstinence collective. Another far less entertaining parallel comes in the form of the subordination of femininity, and viewing women as sexual objects. Even though members of the present study started out very careful about what they said, by the middle of the questionnaire they were freely making comments about young women, who were perceived as promiscuous. Using a variety of descriptions and social slang, all condemning them for actions such as ‘being too friendly’ and ‘not wearing the right clothes’.
Campbell’s (1997) study, highlights the psychosocial context of HIV transmission. In addition to this, he looks at how an individual’s social identity goes on to shape their behaviour. This influence not only dictates their general social behaviour, but influences their sexual behaviour as well. And although the participants in Campbell’s (1997) study, had masculinity playing the leading role in their social narrative instead of religion, as is the case in the present study, being made aware of how the dominant narrative permeates and influences social contexts, should lend valuable insight into my analysis of the present context.
Dowsett’s (2003) paper on sexuality and gender shows what a valuable tool gender becomes when one aims to understand the HIV pandemic. Social structure dominates the pandemic and since gender makes up such an important building block of this structure its importance becomes self-evident. Dowsett (2003) pays a lot of attention on how social structures that seem ‘natural’ are actually created by the individuals living in them.
Farmer (1995) on the other hand, makes use of the influence of the “cultural component” when he discusses the spread of HIV/AIDS. This element is useful for the present study since analysis of common cultural discourse should enable me to detect and later analyse those elements that could influence participants’ susceptibility to HIV/AIDS transmission.
In Kiesling’s (2001, Vol. 11( 1)) paper, he discusses the use of linguistic devices as a method of creating and maintaining social hierarchy. Even though Kiesling’s fieldwork was conducted far away from this university, the methods young males employ to create and cement their social hierarchy in America is employed with equal amounts of zeal by participants in the present study.
In Kiesling’s (2002, Vol. 11(2)) paper on the shifting constructions of masculinity he describes a number of mechanisms used by men to claim their place in the social hierarchy. He mentions four specific mechanisms, and three of those are employed by participants in the current study. These are: direct indexing, the use of speech acts that presuppose and indirect indexing through speech activities associated with particular powerful groups. The last is particularly clear in Joep’s interview, but variations are present in most of the discussions.
The work of Klein (2000), regarding narratives provides important insight into not only the existence of narratives in everyday communication, but also into how they become tools in the social organization. By highlighting the meaning and possible interpretations of the term, Klein makes one aware of, narratives present in everyday life, paving the way for improved interpretation.
Levine & Ross’ (2002) paper on the perceptions of young adults at UCT bears the most resemblance to the current study, but although it may be temping to lean heavily on this seemingly parallel data, it should be avoided since there is a very real risk of coming to the ‘expected’ conclusions in the present study, regardless of whether or not the data support such conclusions. However, by being aware of this possibility of contamination, I will endeavour to avoid it. There are certain trends that feature in both studies, such as the fact that few participants had been for AIDS tests or had discussed HIV/AIDS with their partner. Another common trend comes in the fact that participants make use of stereotypes when describing risk and high risk groups in order to distance themselves from these groups and in effect the implications of HIV/AIDS. Even more interesting than the similarities, are the differences between the findings of the two studies. The participants of the current study were far more positive towards the idea of condom use than those reported in Levine & Ross’(2002) study. Since the studies were done about five years apart, this could possibly indicate at least the partial success of AIDS awareness campaigns especially relating to condom use. What is troubling though is that participants are still not keen on the idea of going for an AIDS test, or discussing the subject of AIDS with their partner. Only one of the participants in the present study had been for an AIDS test and that same participant was the only one who had in fact discussed AIDS with a partner.
In Lund et al.’s (2006) paper on hierarchy negotiation makes the bold claim that “getting ahead” is the fundamental driving force behind motivation. They set about naming various tactics of hierarchy negotiation and when one draws the parallels between the actions of the participants between that study and the present one, one specific technique takes centre stage. Lund et al. (2006) call this “Deception/ Manipulation” and this refers to the way that participants will often engage in deceptive self promotion as well as taking time out to derogate competitors. This tactic was usually employed by members of the ‘rural’ group. Another less popular technique displayed was “Social Display/ Networking” where participants make a point of displaying positive characteristics and make a show of helping others. This last tecnique was consistently displayed by Andries Papenvoes, who represented the only abstaining member of the ‘urban’ group.
Watson’s (n.d.) description of a sociolinguistic model intended for narrative analysis supplies a formal and functional framework from which one can identify a narrative style and study it. It alerts the reader to recurring patterns in narrative as well as showing how to break it up into its component parts. Watson also stresses the importance of narrative in the study of culture.
Methodology
For this study I have chosen one on one interviews with participants. These interviews were conducted privately, using a questionnaire with a number of set questions as a guideline. The questions were designed in such a way that I could get a good oversight not only of the participants’ social views, but also into the depth of their knowledge regarding HIV/AIDS. To supplement the information I had gained from these questions, I also let each participant write a simple test, to better gauge their HIV/AIDS knowledge. The test consisted of twenty statements, to which participants needed to supply simple ‘true’ or ‘false’ answers. The results gained from these tests proved to be valuable when it came to analysing the information gained from the interview questions.
The reasoning behind adding a test to the interviews, lies in the comparative nature of the study. I used the test as an added safety device when I compared the depth of participant’s knowledge, looking to find if the test results confirmed the information I had already gained from the interviews.
Who are the participants, and how were they selected
For this study, I have chosen six young adult males currently studying on the Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University. Due to the comparative nature of the study, I have elected to divide them into two groups, each consisting of three members. With one group representing the ‘city’ or ‘urban’ and the other representing the ‘platteland’ or ‘rural’ aspect. All the participants are Afrikaans males and their ages range between 21 years and 25 years old.
Types of data and Sources
In an effort to be as thorough as possible, I elected to tape the interviews and then set about transcribing them. This is why majority of the raw data for this study comes from a combination of transcripts of interviews and notes taken during interviews with participants, along with the participants’ test results. To supplement the information gained in this way, as well as providing background for analysis I relied on a selection of journals and online resources. These include: Journal of Linguistic Anthropology; Anthropology and Education Quarterly; Reproductive Health Matters; Journal of Research in Personality; Gender and Society; and American Anthropologist.
Procedures for data analysis
To facilitate analysis of the data gained from the sources mentioned above, I broke the procedure down into smaller parts. I started out by looking for possible similarities between the current study and previous studies. Along with this I was also on the look out for possible differences that could be of interest. I then isolated any the trends present in the interviews of participants in the same group, as those present in all interviews. From this I was able not only to compare the two groups, but also test the new facts against the previous assumptions.
Gaining Perspective
At the beginning of each interview, participants were asked to supply their definitions to certain basic terms used in this study. This was done as a safety measure, to ensure that the definitions of terms used by participants and that of the reader were the same. When one looks at the variations between participants’ answers, the reasoning behind this soon becomes clear.
Janus: “ Seksuele aktiwiteite… Karfoefel. Mutual gratification.”, (Sexual activities. Fooling around. Mutual gratification);Jannie Gietergat: “… verder as vry, is te ver.”, (When you go further than french kissing, then you are going too far); Joep: “ … waar jy begin vatterig raak en daai goed… as jy begin vat waar jy nie moet vat nie en dan begin dit nou bietjie in daai lyn, in daai rigting gaan.”,(When you start getting touchy feely. Once you start touching places where you’re not supposed to and things like that, then you are starting to go in that direction).
‘Urban’ vs. ‘Rural’
Difference in perspectives, regarding HIV/AIDS transmission, between young men who grew up in cities as opposed to those who grew up on the ‘platteland’
This basic contrast between the views of the ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ participants regarding the subject of sexual intercourse, serves as the starting point for a discourse, with two contrasting views, that seem impossible to reconcile.
The majority of the ‘urban’ males approved of pre-marital sex as long as it was in a relationship. As can bee seen by Joe F’s response: “Ek het glad nie ‘n pyn daarmee nie… As jy omgee vir ‘n persoon, dank an jy seks hê met daai persoon.”, when he was asked about his view on pre-marital sex(I have no problem with it… If you care about a person, then you can have sex with that person). This point was shared by Janus, another member of the ‘urban’ group, who represents the only other sexually active male.
On the other hand, all the ‘rural’ males were strongly apposed to the idea of pre-marital sex. As can be seen from the response of Ballonetjie: ”Mm, verkeerd. Soek jy ‘n rede? Um, dis vir my ook half, half ‘n geloof saak. Want jy weet, seks is bedoel vir die huwelik.” (It’s wrong. Do you want a reason? It’s a question of faith for me. ‘Cos you know, sex was made for marriage). This extended explanation came without prompting, and represents the first emergence of the religious narrative in the text (based on the works of: Campbell:1997; Lund:2006; Kiesling:2000;Klein:2000 ). This religious connection between ‘sexual intercourse’ and marriage, dominates all ‘rural’ participants’ answers relating to the subject. This negative view of pre-marital sex was shared by the remaining ‘urban’ participant Andries Papenvoes, but the extended explanation is noticeably absent (Lund: 2006; Kiesling: 2001).
The ‘urban’ participants, were significantly more tolerant of those members of the community who did not comply with their own personal ideal (Kiesling:2001; Lund:2006). Even Andries Papenvoes, who has elected to abstain from ‘sexual activity’, expressed concern rather than contempt for the choices made by the sexually active members of society. “…ons persentasies van mense wat VIGS het is nogal redelik hoog. En van mense wat al seksueel aktief is. Mens kan sien daar is soos, ‘n nodigheid vir kommer. Ja, ja daar is ‘n nodigheid vir kommer.”,(The percentages (On the Potchefstroom Campus) of people who have AIDS are quite high. That and those of people who are already sexually active. You can see there is reason to worry. Yes, there is reason to be worried).Displaying the “Social Display” tactic described in Lund (2006)
While the ‘rural’ participants made a point of actively and vocally condemning those who were in fact ‘sexually active’ at every possible opportunity (Ashcraft:2006; Lund:2006; Kiesling:2001). Take for example Ballonetjie’s reaction while discussing making condoms available as a possible method of AIDS prevention on campus: “ Ek gaan dit nou terugvat na die hele losbandige mense toe. Want hoekom vat jy daai ding? Om hom te gebruik.”, (I’m going to take that back to promiscuous people. Because, why would you take that thing (a condom)?To go and use it). For him, offering students a method of contraception was a way of condoning and even maybe encouraging students to be sexually active. This is a belief that was shared by Jannie Gietergat: “ Man, hulle moet vir steek seker nie kondome uitdeel nie, want dis ‘common’. Nee, heerder man, dis stupid. Jy hits mos nou net ‘n mens aan.”, (They really shouldn’t hand out condoms, because it’s cheap. It’s stupid. You just encourages people). Similar can be seen in Ashcraft (2006) and Dowsett (2003).
A worrying trend among the ‘rural’ participants is a high level of naivety, that comes across in some of the casual remarks they made regarding HIV/AIDS, it’s transmission and sexual activity in general they all deny knowing anyone who is HIV+ and even go as far as denying that anyone they’re friends with is currently sexually active. Even though they made all the right noises when answering the obvious questions, they often lacked a deeper understanding of the broad principles that they were reciting from memory (Levine & Ross: 2002). None of them honestly believe that HIV/AIDS or even any form of sexual activity will ever have an impact on them, and they trust that if it does, they will be able to tell ‘what kind of girl she is’ (Ashcraft:2006; Bird: 1996; Dowsett: 2003). Jannie Gietergat was often the most frank of the three “Die girls wat ek sal like is eerder van die plaas af… so daar hoef jy nie te worry nie” (The girls I like come from farms, and you don’t have to worry about them), but even Ballonetjie “Jy kan dit sommer sien… dit wat jy is straal buitentoe” (You can see it… the type of person that you are shows on the outside) and Joep “ ‘n Mens kan as jy… vir iemand kyk, dan kan jy sien” (You can see when you look at someone), let some comments slip during the conversation that indicates just how deep this problem really goes.
Another thorny subject between the participants is the subject of HIV/AIDS education. Neither the ‘urban’ nor the ‘rural’ group adopted specific position regarding HIV/AIDS education. Participants seemed conflicted, not with other views this time, but mostly with themselves. All participants were pro-HIV/AIDS education in theory, but when it came to when and where or any other detail their train of thought jumped the rails as illustrated by Ballonetjie’s contradictions. Interestingly, whether or not the participant considered himself informed was not the major deciding factor when it came to thinking about HIV/AIDS education in a university context. With some, like Ballonetjie, Janus and Jannie Gietergat feeling it’s too late, even though they admitted that they weren’t that well informed. Another thing that all participants could agree on was the need for parental involvement in HIV/AIDS education, this comes despite the fact that most their parents had not discussed the subject with them (Ashcraft: 2006).
Inconsistency Between ‘Ideal’ and ‘Action’
Contradictions between what participants claimed to think when they answered certain questions such as: “Do you think you can tell if someone has AIDS?”; “Do you consider yourself to be at risk?” and “Who does AIDS concern?”, and what they actually do were rampant. As can be seen in the following responses: Joe F “Ja. Dit is ‘n kwessie wat van toepassing is op enige persoon” (Yes, it is an issue that affects everybody) followed by “Ek meen, meeste van die mense in die hoë risiko groepe, is gewoonlik jou laer opgevoede klas mense.” (The most people in high risk groups are usually ‘low class’ people) and Joep:” Ja, wel almal is”(Yes, well everybody is) and “Spanners… daai klas”( Common people… that class of people) (Bird: 1996; Klein: 2000; Levine & Ross: 2002) . This was as problem for both the ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ participants. But was expressed particularly clearly in, the difference between ‘sexually active’ participants’ claims and their actions (Barrett:2000). The assumed connection between the level of knowledge and participants’ sexual practices, only made it as far as the articulation of their ‘ideal’ beliefs (Barrett: 2000; Levine & Ross: 2002).
Even though the ‘sexually active’ participants truly attempted to translate their knowledge on the subject of HIV/AIDS into social practice, human fallibility, combined with incomplete assimilation, meant that their actions sometimes contradicted their claims. Joe F: “Ek hou nie daarvan om saam met iemand te slaap wat ek nie ken nie, maar dit het al gebeur… Alhoewel ek dit nie wil doen nie” (I don’t like sleeping with someone that I don’t know, but it has happened in the past… Even though I don’t want to do it).
It is important to take the social context at work during interviews into account (Bird: 1996; Barrett: 2000; Campbell: 1997; Kiesling: 2001; Klein: 2000). By doing this, the claims made by participants while engaging in their current social performance, takes on a new and intricately constructed meaning (drawing on Bird: 1996; Barrett: 2000; Campbell: 1997; Kiesling: 2001 (1&2); Lund: 2006, ) Participants’ claims have more to do with the role that they have elected to play in this social interaction, than their actual beliefs (Kiesling: 2001; Klein: 2000; Watson: nd.).
This conflict between ‘ideal’ and ‘actual’ belief becomes clear when one compares the differences between the claims and participants’ discourse (Barrett:2000).
All participants openly condemned ‘one-night-stands’, and yet half of them were guilty of this very transgression. Those who were guilty, felt a very real sense of remorse and were quietly ashamed of their inability to live up to the social ‘ideal’. Some even went as far as expressing regret Ballonetjie: “ Een keer ja… ek is meer half in die ding ingepraat in my eerste jaar”(It happened once yes… I was convinced by someone during my first year).
Religion as Collective Hegemonic Narrative
Religion emerges as a dominant narrative in the hegemonic discourse of these participants (Bird: 1996; Campbell: 1997; Kiesling: 2001; Klein: 2000; Lund: 2006). All participants claim to be religious and gave themselves scores between 6 and 8 out of ten, when asked to rate how religious they were. By doing this they automatically align themselves with the hegemonic majority (Bird: 1996; Kiesling: 2001). However, this membership comes at a price. Those who abstain are constantly condemning and judging the “immoral” people, who are sexually active (Lund:2006; ).
These vocal reprimands serve as a constant confirmation of their membership to the hegemonic collective, as well as repeatedly excluding those who fail to conform to the guidelines set out by the group (Bird: 1996; Kiesling: 2001; Lund: 2006). This leaves sexually active participants with a bit of a conundrum. They must choose between three equally unattractive options (Bird: 1996; Campbell: 1997; Kiesling: 2001):
1. They must alter their current behaviour and conform to the prescribed ideal of abstinence.
2. They must conceal their sexual activity from other members of the group.
3. They must separate themselves from the religious hegemony and relinquish their current position in the social hierarchy.
In this study, all sexually active participants chose the second option. The first comes from a group that consists entirely of sexually active young men, who have all privately chosen the same option. This ‘shared secret’ affords him and other members of that particular group a certain amount of protection from the hegemonic ‘gatekeepers’, who judge harshly and condemn without mercy (Kiesling: 2001).
Unfortunately the second sexually active participant finds himself in a more precarious position (Bird: 1996; Kiesling: 2001). He is not part of such a ‘shared secret’ group, but rather finds himself in the middle of a very hostile abstinence collective. The constant harsh criticisms of members of a similar group, makes his a truly unenviable position to be in. He risks being ostracized if his sexual practice becomes public, as well as potentially leaving himself without a support system, if his actions were to lead him in to trouble. It seems highly unlikely that the members of this particular abstinence collective would be willing to offer support if his transgressions were to become public (Bird: 1996;Lund: 2006).
One participant, Andries Papenvoes, represents an interesting deviation from the abstinence collective norm. Although he in fact, ‘plays by the rules’ of the religious hegemonic collective by abstaining, he remains almost uncharacteristically sympathetic to the sexually active deviants, offering support and advice instead of just blanket condemnation. Make no mistake, he laments the fact that young people today are sexually active and seem to be almost predominantly reckless when it comes to their sexual behaviour, but still he chooses to at least attempt to respect the choices made by others. This is even though he does not understand them, and certainly does not agree with them. This behaviour conforms to the “Social Display” principle and to a lesser extend the “Manipulation” principle described by Lund (2006)
Conclusion
In response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic in South Africa, I set about unraveling the mystery. Looking not only for reasons, but also possible solutions. In an effort to understand the reasoning that male university students employ when making sexual choices, I compared the views and knowledge of participants from ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ settings. I found that the religious narrative permeates deeply into all forms of social construction in the lives of those who participated (Klein: 2000; Watson: nd.). This dominant narrative both protects and endangers those that subscribe to it as was seen in Campell’s (1997) study. Since my study only involved six participants, it cannot be taken as absolute proof of the entire student population of the North-West University’s views regarding HIV/AIDS. Yet some of the trends that are present, are so consistent that they merit a closer look.
There has been some measure of success on the part of AIDS campaigns. Students are far more willing to use condoms than was indicated by a previous study based in Cape Town (Levine & Ross: 2002). It is still not nearly enough. Students remain unwilling to go for AIDS tests and have failed to grasp the seriousness of the HIV/AIDS threat. Policy makers can no longer afford to deny the impact of HIV/AIDS on the student population. Denial is putting students at risk, and will continue to do so until an effort is made to raise awareness in a way that touches these students (Ashcraft: 2006; Campbell: 1997). If the current discourse of denial persists, there is a risk that students could simply continue along their present path, without ever truly believing that they are at risk.
References
• Ashcraft, C. (2006) ‘Ready or Not… Teen Sexuality and the Troubling Discourse of Readiness’ in Anthropology and Education Quarterly, Volume 37, Number 4, pp. 328-346
• Author Unknown (2005) ‘Ethical Guidelines and Principles of Conduct for Anthropologists’ in Anthropology Southern Africa, 28(3&4), pp.142-143
• Barrett, S.R. 2002 ‘Unleashing the Anthropologist: A Historical Overview’ and ‘Method’ in Anthropology: A Student’s Guide to Theory and Method University of Toronto Press inc. pg 3-46; 69-83
• Bird, S.R (1996) ‘Welcome to the Men’s Club: Homosociality and the Maintenance of Hegemonic Masculinity’ in Gender and Society, Volume 10, Number 2, pp. 120-132
• Campbell, C. (1997) ‘Migrancy, Masculine Identities and AIDS: The Psychosocial Context of HIV transmission on the South African Gold Mines’ in Social Sciences Med., Volume 45, Number 2, pp. 273-281
• Dowsett, G. W. (2003) ‘Some Considerations on Sexuality and Gender in the Context of AIDS’ in Reproductive Health Matters, Volume 11, Number 22, pp.21-29
• Farmer, P. 1995 ‘Culture, Poverty, and the Dynamics of AIDS Transmission in Rural Haiti’ in T Brummelhuis, and G Herdt (ed.) Culture and Sexual Risk: Anthropological Perspectives on AIDS Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach Publishers
• Kiesling, S. (2001) ‘Stances in Whiteness and Hegemony in Fraternity Men’s Discourse’ in Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, Volume 11, Number 1, pp. 101-115
• Kiesling, S.F. (2001) “Now I Gotta Whatch What I Say’: Shifting Constructions of Masculinity in Discourse” in Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, Volume 11, Number 2, pp. 250-273
• Klein, H.E.M (2000) ‘Narrative’ in Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, Volume 9, Number 1-2, pp. 167-169
• Levine, S. & Ross, F. 2002 ‘Perceptions of and Attitudes to HIV/AIDS among young adults at UCT’ in Social Dynamics 28(1): 89-108
• Lund, O.C.H., et al. (2006) ‘Tactics of Hierarchy Negotiation’ in Journal of Research in Personality, Volume 41, pp. 25-44
• North West University (2007) ‘Our recent history’ in About Us, url:http://www.nwu.ac.za/opencms/export/NWU/html/nwu/about-us-rhistory.html accessed: 20 April 2007
• North West University, Potchefstroom Campus (2007) ‘Why the NWU-PUK Campus?’ in Prospective Students, url:http://www.puk.ac.za/vstudente/index_e.html accessed: 20 April 2007
• Prinsloo, A.F. (2005) Spreekwoorde en waar hulle vandaan kom, Pharos Woordeboeke, NB Uitgewers, Kaapstad
• Watson, K.A. (n.d) ‘A Rheutorical and Sociolinguistic Model for the Analysis of Narritive’ in American Anthropologist, Volume , pp. 243-
• Wikipedia, Baseball Metaphor in a sexual context, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/baseball_Metaphor , accessed: 25 April 2007
Appendix A:
Ethical Considerations
Anthropologists often have to interact very closely with the members of the community that have chosen to participate in the study and our first responsibility should always be towards them. Participants should never be reduced to a “means to an end”, but should always be handled with care and respect. This has certain implications for any given study and even as a student anthropologist, I am bound by these conventions. In an effort to guarantee my participants’ anonymity, I gave them the opportunity to choose their own pseudonyms and conducted all my interviews privately. Because this study might one day form part of a larger one, the participants were required to sign release forms, but there is no way that I am aware of to connect these forms with the transcripts of their interviews. I have also tried to make sure that my participants all received fair representation, and have strived to keep my comments as neutral as possible. During interviews I gave my participants the choice about whether or not to answer certain questions and Jannie Gietergat was one of the few who used this right by refusing to explain “koekkie hollander broekkies” on tape.
(Based on: Ethical Guidelines and Principles of Conduct for Anthropologists)
Appendix B:
Translation and Explanations of Certain Phrases
• Kat uit die boom uit kyk – “’n Afwagtende houding inneem. Versigtig wees. See which way the cat jumps.” – Prinsloo (2005)
• Meng jou met die semels en die varke vreet jou op – “As jy met slegte geselskap omgaan, word jy ook sleg. Touch pitch and be defiled.”—Prinsloo (2005)
• Uit die bloute uit – Out of the blue. Something that happens that is unexpected.
• In ‘n negatiewe lig sien – “ Swak voorstel. Present something in a bad light.”—Prinsloo (2005)
• As ‘n yster warm genoeg raak, dan buig hy – If someone comes under enough pressure, they will change their mind. In context this means that getting excited in a sexual context could influence someone’s choices.
• Hy het nog nie die pyp gerook nie – He has not had sex yet.
• Selfbeeld in ‘n bottel – Self esteem from a bottle, similar to the idea of “Dutch courage”.
• Oop en bloot – Out in the open. Someone said something without disguising it in any way.
• Nie ‘n halwe kans nie – There is no way. Not even half a chance.
• Hits ‘n mens aan – Encourage someone to do something
• ‘n Pad saam met iemand gestap het – Based on the belief that when you have spent a lot of time with someone and gone through certain things with them, you should know them reasonably well.
Monday, 21 May 2007
The Non-ideology Ideology of End of Ideology Theories
‘The Non-ideology Ideology of End of Ideology Theories’
In this essay I examine the “End of Ideology’ theory, made popular first in the 60’s and then again in the early 90’s. I briefly outline the dominant narratives and consider the context in which this “non-ideology” ideology was conceived, as well as discussing its validity in contemporary society.
Historical Overview
In 1806 a German man named Georg Willem Hegel made the bold claim that history had come to its end. This followed shortly after Napoleon’s victory at the Battle of Jena. The victory became a symbol to Hegel. Representing the overall victory of French ideals of freedom, liberty and equality. To Hegel, it was only a matter of time before the rest of the world caught up and adopted these same ideals (Fukuyama: 1989). The tumultuous century that followed led to new ideologies being formed, instead of everyone subscribing to the French way of thinking. Between 1815-1848 most of Europe was engaged in revolutions. Long standing monarchies were challenged by people who started to realize, that they could have rights as well as duties (Bullock: 1969). At the end of these, opinions were varied about exactly how these “newly free” men should be governed. Different interpretations and new technological advances such as industrialisation and the rise of capitalism in the late 19th century provided fertile ground where new ideologies could develop (Bullock: 1969; Heywood: 2002). Two world wars later Daniel Bell declared ‘the end of ideology’, despite the fact that conflicting ideologies remained present in the world and the stage was set for a debate that still rages on(Calhoun: 2002, Heywood: 2002 ).
Major Contributors & Theories
The official credit for starting the ‘end of ideology’ debate is usually attributed to Daniel Bell, for a book he wrote in 1960 called ‘The End of Ideology’ (Calhoun: 2002; Heywood: 2002; Hoffman: 2002). Even though other political scientists had released similar texts in that same period (Calhoun: 2002). Bell believed that Ideologies such as Socialism and Liberalism had failed to deliver on their promises and saw the newly emerging democratic states as the answer. The stabilizing effect that these new liberal democratic states seemed to be having on industrialised countries was taken as proof of their victory over “inferior” ideologies (Calhoun: 2002; Haywood: 2002). All that was needed now was to wait while the rest of the world switched over.
Francis Fukuyama built on this idea as well as combining some of Hegel’s work in his own theory (Fukuyama: 1989) and in the early 90’s and in 1992 he wrote ‘The End of History’. This has become the ‘poster publication’ in the debate between different interpretations of the changing world orders. Fukuyama too believed that single triumphant ideology was emerging in the form political and economical liberalism (Haywood: 2002; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996, Seizaburo Sato: 1997). And was so convinced of its impending triumph that he ignored elements such as nationalism and politicized religions when he was constructing his theory (Hoffman: 2002; Sid-Ahmed: 1999).
Following Fukuyama’s paper, Samuel Huntington provided his own version of the new world order. His 1996 book ‘The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of a New World Order’ paints a dim view of the future. He predicts an increase in violence and an absence of values and clashes between civilizations. He urges Western governments to stick together and combine forces in order to weather this perceived threat (Hoffman: 2002; Huntington: 1996; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996; Seizaburo Sato: 1997).
The Huntington’s paper hints at a deep level of insecurity in the minds of Western civilization and could have dire consequences should it be followed too closely by policy makers (Jisi & Sicheng: 1996)
Not all analysts have such melodramatic theories, Henry Kissinger and Raymond Aron for example, take a far more relaxed view of the changes in international relations. Kissinger believes that a state’s power on the military and economic front determines its fate. To him the interdependence and international institutions created by globalization are secondary and fragile phenomena. And the main motivators of state’s objectives were threats to their survival or security. Aron supplements this theory by adding with what he calls “the germ of universal consciousness”. An idea that he bases on similarities in market norms from liberal developed states (Hoffman: 2002).
Discussion
Given the current political situation with new and contradictory ideologies emerging despite western democracy’s claim of supremacy, declaring ‘the end of ideology’ would be premature (Eriksen: 2001; Barber: 1992; Blinder: 2006; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996). Western claims of single superiority and ownership regarding the hegemonic ideology smacks of arrogance and ignorance (Barber: 1992; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996). Articles such as those by Rushdie (2001;2002) personify the egotistical qualities America is being accused of and that Huntington (1996) warn against. America and Anti-Americans (2002) in particular seems to be written with the sole intension of being as offensive as possible. Along with wild allegations and bold claims being made, he attributes self-degrading quotes (“We hate America because it has made of itself what we cannot make of ourselves.”) to ‘phantom’ Muslims on which he then builds an unconvincing argument, that jealousy is the motivation behind terrorism.
When one has been exposed to such bigotry, it may be tempting to judge ‘end of ideology’ theories too harshly, and it is important to note the context in which specific claims were made (Eriksen: 2001; Seizaburo Sato: 1997).There are significant flaws in arguments for the ‘end of ideologies’, but contemporary politics should be taken in to account (Eriksen: 2001). ‘The End of History’ was published in a time when the cold war was coming to an end. Communism had fallen and the victory of liberal western democracy over the other “lesser” ideologies seemed assured (Calhoun:2002; Heywood: 2002;Hoffman: 2002).
No claim of the indisputable triumph of one ideology over another can ever be truly justified (Barber: 1992; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996; Seizaburo Sato: 1997). In an ideal world it might indeed be possible that an ideology can be created that would satisfy all those involved, with no one group profiting from the exploitation of another but currently this is not possible (Barber: 1992; Blinder: 2006). What is true is that western ideals of liberal democracy have spread into large areas of the world, this spread does not guarantee conversion, it simply notes that other countries have been exposed to them (Barber: 1992; Blinder: 2006; Eriksen: 2001; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996; Seizaburo Sato: 1997).
A flaw of popular modern discourse surrounding the end of ideologies is that those who endorse them are most often Americans, who promote their own brand of liberal democracy, as is the case with Rushdie (1991; 2001; 2002). This version of liberal democracy and the approval of globalisation and ideas of a global culture are built on the premise that this new “global culture” will automatically mean “western culture”. Fukuyama advocates this idea of liberal democracy triumphing over all the others and in noting the spread of global capitalist markets, not only concludes the superiority of such a “capitalist ideology”, but sees such a victory as unavoidable. Despite seeming that way in the early 90’s when booming international markets and new innovations increased the power that America already had , it no longer rings true (Sid-Ahmed: 1999).
Conclusion
Human diversity and opposition to outside dominance are two key factors that support the “permanent” existence of multiple ideologies (Eriksen: 2001) Recent political developments have highlighted active resistance from those cultures forced into conversion and some have made it very clear that a “western ideology” is not synonymous to a “global ideology” (Barber: 1992; Hoffman: 2002; Huntington: 1996; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996).It is unlikely that the creation of a global ideology would automatically end all unrest , such complete assimilation would have greater chances for anarchy due to a lack of cohesion as predicted by Huntington. Thus far, globalization has failed to produce a collection of homogeneous individuals and has actually led to greater cultural variation and prominent expressions of uniqueness (Eriksen: 2001)
There are numerous difficulties imbedded in the concept of ‘the end of ideology’. The most obvious one is the assumption that the entire human population can or should be coerced into conforming to a single idea (Jisi & Sischeng: 1996)l. Such homogenisation completely ignores cultural diversity as well as failing to take in to account the various local contexts involved (Eriksen: 2001; Seizaburo Sato: 1997). A prominent factor in these calls by western hegemonies for homogenisation and forming a “global culture” is the assumption that other “weaker” countries need to modernise and evolve so they can become part of the global society (Rushdie: 2001; 2002). Westernisation is not the same as modernisation and intentions to coerce entire nations to convert to a flawed and exploitative ideology is patently absurd (Barber: 1992; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996; Seizaburo Sato: 1997). Capitalism has exploitation built in to its very nature and in order for one entity to profit, it inevitably means that another has to lose (Blinder: 2006). Ideologies with no intention to improve the lives of mankind go against the entire ideological concept and accepting an ideology so fundamentally flawed as the current capitalist model, would be to our own detriment.
Reference list
• Barber, B.R. 1992 ‘Jihad vs. McWorld’ in Atlantic Monthly, March 1992, pp. 53-65
• Blinder, A.S. 2006 ‘Offshoring: The Next Industrial Revolution?’ in Foreign Affairs, March/April 2006
• Bullock, A. 1969 Europe: Patterns of Power , Marshall Cavendish Book Lim.: London.
• Calhoun, C. (ed.) 2002 Dictionary of the Social Sciences, Oxford University Press: New York.
• Eriksen, T.H. 2001 ‘Politics and Power’ in Small Places, Large Issues: An Introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology, Second Edition, Pluto Press: London, pp. 157-175
• Fukuyama, F. 1989 ‘The End of History?’ in The National Interest, Summer 1989
• Heywood, A. 2002 ‘Theories of Politics’ and ‘Nations and Globalization’ in Politics, Second edition, Palgrave Macmillan: China, pp.
• Hoffman, S. 2002 ‘Clash of Globalizations: A New Paradigm?’ in Foreign Affairs, July/August 2002
• Huntington, S. 1996 The Clash of Civilization and The Remaking of World Order, Touchstone Books: London
• Jisi, W. & Sicheng, Z 1996 ‘Civilizations: Clash or Fusion?’ in Beijing Review, Vol. 39, Issue 3, 3 Jan. 1996
• Rushdie, S. 1991 ‘One Thousand Days in a Balloon’ in New York Times, 12 Dec. 1991
• Rushdie, S. 2001 ‘Yes, This Is About Islam’ in New York Times, 2Nov. 2001
• Rushdie, S. 2002 ‘America & Anti-Americans’ in New York Times, 4Feb. 2002
• Sid-Ahmed, M. 1999 ‘Back to the End of History’ in Al-Ahram Weekly, Issue 428, 6-12 May, Published: Cairo
• Seizaburo Sato 1997 ‘The Clash of Civilizations: A View From Japan’ Special Colum on Huntington’s treatise “The Clash of Civilizations’ First of the Series, July 1997, Copyright: Institute for International Policy Studies & Okamoto International Affairs Research Institute
In this essay I examine the “End of Ideology’ theory, made popular first in the 60’s and then again in the early 90’s. I briefly outline the dominant narratives and consider the context in which this “non-ideology” ideology was conceived, as well as discussing its validity in contemporary society.
Historical Overview
In 1806 a German man named Georg Willem Hegel made the bold claim that history had come to its end. This followed shortly after Napoleon’s victory at the Battle of Jena. The victory became a symbol to Hegel. Representing the overall victory of French ideals of freedom, liberty and equality. To Hegel, it was only a matter of time before the rest of the world caught up and adopted these same ideals (Fukuyama: 1989). The tumultuous century that followed led to new ideologies being formed, instead of everyone subscribing to the French way of thinking. Between 1815-1848 most of Europe was engaged in revolutions. Long standing monarchies were challenged by people who started to realize, that they could have rights as well as duties (Bullock: 1969). At the end of these, opinions were varied about exactly how these “newly free” men should be governed. Different interpretations and new technological advances such as industrialisation and the rise of capitalism in the late 19th century provided fertile ground where new ideologies could develop (Bullock: 1969; Heywood: 2002). Two world wars later Daniel Bell declared ‘the end of ideology’, despite the fact that conflicting ideologies remained present in the world and the stage was set for a debate that still rages on(Calhoun: 2002, Heywood: 2002 ).
Major Contributors & Theories
The official credit for starting the ‘end of ideology’ debate is usually attributed to Daniel Bell, for a book he wrote in 1960 called ‘The End of Ideology’ (Calhoun: 2002; Heywood: 2002; Hoffman: 2002). Even though other political scientists had released similar texts in that same period (Calhoun: 2002). Bell believed that Ideologies such as Socialism and Liberalism had failed to deliver on their promises and saw the newly emerging democratic states as the answer. The stabilizing effect that these new liberal democratic states seemed to be having on industrialised countries was taken as proof of their victory over “inferior” ideologies (Calhoun: 2002; Haywood: 2002). All that was needed now was to wait while the rest of the world switched over.
Francis Fukuyama built on this idea as well as combining some of Hegel’s work in his own theory (Fukuyama: 1989) and in the early 90’s and in 1992 he wrote ‘The End of History’. This has become the ‘poster publication’ in the debate between different interpretations of the changing world orders. Fukuyama too believed that single triumphant ideology was emerging in the form political and economical liberalism (Haywood: 2002; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996, Seizaburo Sato: 1997). And was so convinced of its impending triumph that he ignored elements such as nationalism and politicized religions when he was constructing his theory (Hoffman: 2002; Sid-Ahmed: 1999).
Following Fukuyama’s paper, Samuel Huntington provided his own version of the new world order. His 1996 book ‘The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of a New World Order’ paints a dim view of the future. He predicts an increase in violence and an absence of values and clashes between civilizations. He urges Western governments to stick together and combine forces in order to weather this perceived threat (Hoffman: 2002; Huntington: 1996; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996; Seizaburo Sato: 1997).
The Huntington’s paper hints at a deep level of insecurity in the minds of Western civilization and could have dire consequences should it be followed too closely by policy makers (Jisi & Sicheng: 1996)
Not all analysts have such melodramatic theories, Henry Kissinger and Raymond Aron for example, take a far more relaxed view of the changes in international relations. Kissinger believes that a state’s power on the military and economic front determines its fate. To him the interdependence and international institutions created by globalization are secondary and fragile phenomena. And the main motivators of state’s objectives were threats to their survival or security. Aron supplements this theory by adding with what he calls “the germ of universal consciousness”. An idea that he bases on similarities in market norms from liberal developed states (Hoffman: 2002).
Discussion
Given the current political situation with new and contradictory ideologies emerging despite western democracy’s claim of supremacy, declaring ‘the end of ideology’ would be premature (Eriksen: 2001; Barber: 1992; Blinder: 2006; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996). Western claims of single superiority and ownership regarding the hegemonic ideology smacks of arrogance and ignorance (Barber: 1992; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996). Articles such as those by Rushdie (2001;2002) personify the egotistical qualities America is being accused of and that Huntington (1996) warn against. America and Anti-Americans (2002) in particular seems to be written with the sole intension of being as offensive as possible. Along with wild allegations and bold claims being made, he attributes self-degrading quotes (“We hate America because it has made of itself what we cannot make of ourselves.”) to ‘phantom’ Muslims on which he then builds an unconvincing argument, that jealousy is the motivation behind terrorism.
When one has been exposed to such bigotry, it may be tempting to judge ‘end of ideology’ theories too harshly, and it is important to note the context in which specific claims were made (Eriksen: 2001; Seizaburo Sato: 1997).There are significant flaws in arguments for the ‘end of ideologies’, but contemporary politics should be taken in to account (Eriksen: 2001). ‘The End of History’ was published in a time when the cold war was coming to an end. Communism had fallen and the victory of liberal western democracy over the other “lesser” ideologies seemed assured (Calhoun:2002; Heywood: 2002;Hoffman: 2002).
No claim of the indisputable triumph of one ideology over another can ever be truly justified (Barber: 1992; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996; Seizaburo Sato: 1997). In an ideal world it might indeed be possible that an ideology can be created that would satisfy all those involved, with no one group profiting from the exploitation of another but currently this is not possible (Barber: 1992; Blinder: 2006). What is true is that western ideals of liberal democracy have spread into large areas of the world, this spread does not guarantee conversion, it simply notes that other countries have been exposed to them (Barber: 1992; Blinder: 2006; Eriksen: 2001; Hoffman: 2002; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996; Seizaburo Sato: 1997).
A flaw of popular modern discourse surrounding the end of ideologies is that those who endorse them are most often Americans, who promote their own brand of liberal democracy, as is the case with Rushdie (1991; 2001; 2002). This version of liberal democracy and the approval of globalisation and ideas of a global culture are built on the premise that this new “global culture” will automatically mean “western culture”. Fukuyama advocates this idea of liberal democracy triumphing over all the others and in noting the spread of global capitalist markets, not only concludes the superiority of such a “capitalist ideology”, but sees such a victory as unavoidable. Despite seeming that way in the early 90’s when booming international markets and new innovations increased the power that America already had , it no longer rings true (Sid-Ahmed: 1999).
Conclusion
Human diversity and opposition to outside dominance are two key factors that support the “permanent” existence of multiple ideologies (Eriksen: 2001) Recent political developments have highlighted active resistance from those cultures forced into conversion and some have made it very clear that a “western ideology” is not synonymous to a “global ideology” (Barber: 1992; Hoffman: 2002; Huntington: 1996; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996).It is unlikely that the creation of a global ideology would automatically end all unrest , such complete assimilation would have greater chances for anarchy due to a lack of cohesion as predicted by Huntington. Thus far, globalization has failed to produce a collection of homogeneous individuals and has actually led to greater cultural variation and prominent expressions of uniqueness (Eriksen: 2001)
There are numerous difficulties imbedded in the concept of ‘the end of ideology’. The most obvious one is the assumption that the entire human population can or should be coerced into conforming to a single idea (Jisi & Sischeng: 1996)l. Such homogenisation completely ignores cultural diversity as well as failing to take in to account the various local contexts involved (Eriksen: 2001; Seizaburo Sato: 1997). A prominent factor in these calls by western hegemonies for homogenisation and forming a “global culture” is the assumption that other “weaker” countries need to modernise and evolve so they can become part of the global society (Rushdie: 2001; 2002). Westernisation is not the same as modernisation and intentions to coerce entire nations to convert to a flawed and exploitative ideology is patently absurd (Barber: 1992; Jisi & Sicheng: 1996; Seizaburo Sato: 1997). Capitalism has exploitation built in to its very nature and in order for one entity to profit, it inevitably means that another has to lose (Blinder: 2006). Ideologies with no intention to improve the lives of mankind go against the entire ideological concept and accepting an ideology so fundamentally flawed as the current capitalist model, would be to our own detriment.
Reference list
• Barber, B.R. 1992 ‘Jihad vs. McWorld’ in Atlantic Monthly, March 1992, pp. 53-65
• Blinder, A.S. 2006 ‘Offshoring: The Next Industrial Revolution?’ in Foreign Affairs, March/April 2006
• Bullock, A. 1969 Europe: Patterns of Power , Marshall Cavendish Book Lim.: London.
• Calhoun, C. (ed.) 2002 Dictionary of the Social Sciences, Oxford University Press: New York.
• Eriksen, T.H. 2001 ‘Politics and Power’ in Small Places, Large Issues: An Introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology, Second Edition, Pluto Press: London, pp. 157-175
• Fukuyama, F. 1989 ‘The End of History?’ in The National Interest, Summer 1989
• Heywood, A. 2002 ‘Theories of Politics’ and ‘Nations and Globalization’ in Politics, Second edition, Palgrave Macmillan: China, pp.
• Hoffman, S. 2002 ‘Clash of Globalizations: A New Paradigm?’ in Foreign Affairs, July/August 2002
• Huntington, S. 1996 The Clash of Civilization and The Remaking of World Order, Touchstone Books: London
• Jisi, W. & Sicheng, Z 1996 ‘Civilizations: Clash or Fusion?’ in Beijing Review, Vol. 39, Issue 3, 3 Jan. 1996
• Rushdie, S. 1991 ‘One Thousand Days in a Balloon’ in New York Times, 12 Dec. 1991
• Rushdie, S. 2001 ‘Yes, This Is About Islam’ in New York Times, 2Nov. 2001
• Rushdie, S. 2002 ‘America & Anti-Americans’ in New York Times, 4Feb. 2002
• Sid-Ahmed, M. 1999 ‘Back to the End of History’ in Al-Ahram Weekly, Issue 428, 6-12 May, Published: Cairo
• Seizaburo Sato 1997 ‘The Clash of Civilizations: A View From Japan’ Special Colum on Huntington’s treatise “The Clash of Civilizations’ First of the Series, July 1997, Copyright: Institute for International Policy Studies & Okamoto International Affairs Research Institute
Organ Transplantation: The Jekyl and Hyde Phenomenon
‘Organ Transplantation: The Jekyl and Hyde Phenomenon’
In this essay I examine the complex topic of organ transplantation and the ethical considerations involved in the practices that surround it. I discuss the bio-politics of transplantation, focussing on the interaction between technological development and legislation. I argue that new developments have a direct influence on policies designed to regulate organ transplantation and refer to ethnographic examples to illustrate certain points. In addition to this I mention different approaches employed by various governments to address the same issue. These examples are taken mainly from ethnographic texts by well-known anthropologists such as Nancy Sheper-Hughes. I briefly outline the current debates surrounding the organ trade, providing the main points of each respective argument. I do this drawing on the works of: Anderson (2006); Cohen (1999); Das (2000); Grant (2006); Helman (1988); Joralemon (1995); Koening & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes (2000; 2003); Sharp (2000), Siminoff & Chillag (1999) and Teo(1991).
INTRODUCTION
Science has had a profound effect on modern lives, with new technological advances influencing not only the way we live, but also the way we think (Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000). Organ transplant surgery is one such biomedical breakthrough that has challenged conceptions of the body and its place in society (Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Scheper-Hughes: 2003). The body has become fragmented and industrialised. Turning it in to a machine, with various parts that can be replaced when they wore out (Helman: 1988). These changes are not always welcome and since it’s conception transplant surgery has been a matter of contestation (Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Teo: 1991). Subsequent developments have provided more questions than answers bringing new possibilities, but also creating new dilemmas (Koening & Hogle). New commoditised perceptions of the body eventually led to problems such as: organ sales, disputes regarding live donors and human trafficking (Anderson: 2006; Cohen: 1999; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000).
DISCUSSION
In a era when capitalism and industrialisation is forever growing and extending its hold on the world, transplant surgery found its niche in the global market (Anderson: 2006; Das: 2000; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Teo: 1991). Making use of biomedical metaphors and offering the ‘gift of life’ to those in need (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; ), provided that they can afford it (Cohen: 1999; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000, 2003; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; Sharp: 2000). The growing demand for organs suitable for transplant far surpasses the available supply of willing donors (Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000). Transforming vital organs in to the ultimate commodity, expensive, exclusive and life changing (Cohen: 2000; Scheper-Hughes: 2003; Sharp: 2000). Such Commodification of the human body and its parts highlighted historical inequalities and exploitative practices, as well as giving rise to a whole gamut of new exploitation methods (Das: 2000; Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; Teo: 1991). The bodies of the poor became a resource of vital organs for the wealthy (Anderson: 2006; Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Grant: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000-2003 ). Neither Commodification nor exploitation are new concepts, but in their contemporary forms they have raised questions regarding ownership and control over the individual body (Das: 2000; Sharp: 2000). Governments have turned to legislation, passing new laws regulating body parts in an effort to halt the organ trade, or at the very least reduce exploitation ( Cohen: 1999; Das: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). These laws were not entirely successful (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006).
Legislation was not passed simultaneously and the local organ trade simply went global in the hunt for transplant organs, transcending national boundaries in an effort to gain an advantage (Cohen: 1999, Das: 2000; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). For a while the mobile wealthy could legally circumvent their own laws regarding transplantation by turning to countries where such regulations were not yet in effect or not properly enforced (Das: 2000; Grant: 2006). This created a phenomenon known as transplant tourism which is still taking place at the present time ( Das: 2000). Examples of this are countries such as India and Turkey, where live donors offer up kidneys to rich foreigners, who visit the country with the sole intention of procuring organs (Cohen: 1999; Joralemon: 1995).
India became notorious during the early 90’s for a booming trade in live donor organs, commonly referred to as the “Organ Bazaars” (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Expose articles and media coverage such as Grant’s (2006) documentary “A Pound of Flesh” led to a public outcry and the practice of selling organs was outlawed in 1994 (Cohen: 1999; Scheper-Hughes: 2003). Instead of ending it, the new legislation simply pushed the practice underground where the ‘black market’ in organ trade thrived (Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Sharp: 2000). Despite live donations being illegal the law makes exceptions in its restrictions regarding live donations provided that there was a existing close relationship between the donor and the recipient (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006, Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Those involved with transplant coordination, capitalised on this weak spot, bribing officials and family members in a bid to procure organs (Cohen: 1999; Sharp: 2000).
Globalisation is not without its merits, because in some cases the public needs to be protected not only from unscrupulous organ dealers, but from the state itself (Anderson: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Teo: 1991). This was the case in Brazil and Argentina in the 70’s and 80’s before the switch to democratic government was made and continued in Eastern countries till the late 90’s (Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Trade sanctions and outside pressure brought about official policy changes in countries such as Singapore and China. After pressure from international human rights organisations, first Taiwan and later China passed legislation making buying and selling of organs illegal (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003). Before this law was passed, the organs of executed Chinese prisoners were routinely sold off to foreign buyers and influential locals (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999).
Yielding to pressure and passing the laws was not enough in China and allegations of human rights abuses remain rampant (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003). These allegations mainly involve the organs of condemned criminals, but claims that harsh new anti-crime campaigns are motivated by the growing demand for transplant organs have fuelled numerous international enquiries.The Chinese government has denied the allegations, but passed legislation forbidding medical and administrative staff involved with transplant procedures from providing information to anyone outside the system (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).
On web sites such as www.organtransplant.bz transplant surgeries are offered with the organ that is to be used including the quotation price. With prices ranging between $ 45 000,00 and $ 60 000,00 for a kidney and a liver transplant going up to a possible $ 100 000,00 plus the added $ 5000,00 coordination fee, transplant surgery is expensive even without added complications. The complete control of the Chinese state over the individual body creates an environment where state funded exploitation can flourish, while effectively silencing those who would protest (Anderson: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000).
The Aadhil hospital in Pakistan is more discreet. On its website http://www.aadhilhospital.com it advertises a living donor registry, guarantees a match and promises a short waiting period. They do not have direct quotes for the surgery posted on the website as is the case in China, but they make it clear that the package that is eventually negotiated will include the medical and other costs of the donor as well. Their surgeons operate in a high-tech facility and are internationally qualified.
Some countries such as Belgium, Spain, Italy, Greece and Austria have taken a more direct approach in a bid to eliminate the global organ trade, by introducing ‘presumed consent’ laws (Das: 2000; Joralemon: 1995; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000, 2003 ). Such a laws dictate that any permanent resident over a certain age is automatically considered to have consented to organ donation, in the event of an untimely death. The only way to avoid donation in these countries is to officially ‘opt out’ of donation (Das: 2000). In some countries such as Spain, the family of the deceased still holds the right to decide whether or not they are willing to consent to donation (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).
Although the effort was made to regulate and thus limit the uses to which the body could be put, public resistance to such restrictions is growing (Cohen: 1999; Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995). The idea of individual rights and autonomy are built in to the fibre of western ideology and such regulations seem to contradict this fundamental element (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Despite resistance, state regulation of the individual body is nothing new (Sharp: 2000). Various local and international human rights laws enforce certain restrictions with the presumed intention of protecting the public (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003).
CURRENT DEBATES
Although trade in organs is currently illegal, there are those who favour regulation over legislation outlawing organ sales. These advocates of regulation often base their arguments on two points, the first is ownership and individual property rights. They argue that since you own your body you should be able to decide what happens to it. The second argument rests on the perceived global scarcity of organs. The demand for transplant organs surpass the supply and it is argued that compensation would provide an incentive that would raise donation numbers. Regulation advocates claim to take a pragmatic approach to a established and complicated social problem, but fail to take in to account the true costs associated with the surgery (Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Simply claiming that organ trade is taking place in anyway so both the donor and the recipient might as well benefit from the transaction is not enough justification for legalising a potentially exploitative practice (Cohen: 1999; Joralemon: 1995; Scheper-Hughes: 2003; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Kidney sellers are almost desperate
Those who support the continued ban on organ sales raise issues such as exploitation and the potential social impact of donation on both the donor and their family (Scheper-Hughes: 2003). They argue that by reducing organs to this extend, one is simply profiting from the desperation of the poor (Cohen: 1999). An argument that is often countered by pointing out that live donors often defend their decision and many claim that they would make the same choice again if they had the opportunity (Das:2000). Live donation of organs from the bodies of the poor to those of the rich, often represent a desperate attempt on the part of the donors to get out of debt. While such donations are premised on the idea of presumed consent, it fails to take in to account that those making the choices are often not fully aware of the impact it could have on their lives (Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003).
CONCLUSION
The multifarious nature of organ transplantation complicates discussions about the subject. Transplant surgery leads a strange double life, treading and sometimes crossing the line between good and evil ( Scheper-Hughes: 2000, Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Each interpretation is as valid as the next leaving it up to context to define its nature. Dominant biomedical narratives surrounding transplant surgery highlights the potential benefits, while skilfully masking the potential pitfalls (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Potential benefits of transplant surgery are significant, but ignoring the dark side is not doing anyone any favours. Control represents a strong theme in the transplantation narrative even when it is not overtly expressed, with various parties taking part in a negotiation that only personally affects a select few (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000). Biomedical technology needed to change accepted social perceptions of the human body in order to gain individual support for transplant surgery. Such alterations represent control over the individual body, but also control over the mind (Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995). The exact location where this power ultimately resides is still a matter of contestation. Governments pass laws to regulate transplant practices while society resists such dominance, in various ingenious ways (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).
References
BOOKS & JOURNALS
• Cohen, L. 1999 ‘Where it Hurts: Indian Material for an Ethics of Organ Transplantation’ in Daedalus 128(4): 135-165
• Das, V. 2000 ‘The Practice of Organ Transplantations: Networks, Documents, Translations’ in M. Lock, A. Young, and A. Cambrioso (ed.) in Living and Working with the New Medical Technologies Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
• Helman, C. 1988 ‘Dr. Frankenstein and the Industrial Body: Reflections on ‘Spare Part’ Surgery’ in Anthropology Today 4(3): 14-16
• Joralemon, D. 1995 ‘Organ Wars: The Battle for Body Parts’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly 9(3): 335-356
• Koenig, B.A. & Hogle, L.F. ‘Organ Transplantation (Re) Examined?’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly 393-397
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 2000 ‘The Global Traffic in Human Organs’ in Current Anthropology, Vol.41, No.2, 2 April 2000
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 2003 ‘Keeping an Eye on the Global Traffic in Human Organs’ in Lancet 362: 1645-1648
• Sharp, L.A. 2000 ‘The Commodification of the Body and Its Parts’ in Annu. Rev. Anthropology 29: 287-328
• Siminoff, L.A. & Chillag, K. 1999 ‘The Fallacy of the “Gift of Life” in Hastings Centre Report 29, no. 6 34-41
• Teo, B. 1991 ‘Organs For Transplantation: The Singapore Experience’ in Hastings Center Report, November/December 1991
LINKS
(General)
• www.about.com
• Cline, A. 2007 ‘Selling Organs for Transplants: Commodification and Ownership of Bodies’ on About.com, Link: http://atheism.about.com/od/bioethics/a/sellingorgans.htm?p=1
• www.cnn.com
• Anderson C. 2006 ‘ Heading to China for an Organ Transplant’ in How Far Would You Go? An AC360◦ Special Series, on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/CNN/Programs/anderson.cooper.360/special/
• CNN.com ‘China alters transplant laws’ in World on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/WORLD/asiapcf/04/07/china.organs.ap/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Tuskegee’s ghosts: Fear hinders black marrow donation’ in Health on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/HEALTH/02/07/bone.marrow/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Modern Medical Breakthroughs’ in Health on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/HEALTH/01/12/vital.signs.overview/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Your Emails: How Far Would You Go?’ in US on CNN.com’ Link: http://www.cnn.com/2006/US/12/14/how.far.emails/index.html
• www.youtube.com
• Mcai, N.J. ‘Children’s Organ Transplant Association PSA’ on youtube.com, Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NCom7o0YXYk posted by: Richguitarblue
• Youtube.com 2006 ‘Organ Harvesting in China’ Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ia04u0u8J8s posted: Georgia Y August 20, 2006
• http://www.pbs.org
• Grant, S. 2006 “A Pound of Flesh- Selling kidneys to survive” July 20, 2006 http://www.pbs.org/cgi-registry/mediaplayer/videoplayer.cgi?playeraddress=videoplayer.cgi&media=%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_lo.rm%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_hi.rm%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_lo.mov%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_hi.mov&title=FRONTLINE%2FWorld%20.%20Rough%20Cut.%20India%3A%20A%20Pound%20of%20Flesh%20%7C%20PBS&playertemplate=%2Ffrontlineworld%2Frough%2Fvideotemplate1.html&description=India%3A%20A%20Pound%20of%20Flesh%20%2810%3A52%29
Hospitals and Organisations Involved with Transplants
• Aadhil Hospital. Pakistan – http://www.aadhilhospital.com
• Bek-Transplant – http://bek-transplant.com
• Kidney Transplant Associates. Pakistan – http://kidney.com.pk
• Organ Donor Foundation of South Africa – http://www.odf.co.za
• Organs Watch at Berkley – http://sunsite.berkley.edu/biotech/organswatch
• Organ Transplant – www.organtransplant.bz
• Unesco – http://www.unesco.org
In this essay I examine the complex topic of organ transplantation and the ethical considerations involved in the practices that surround it. I discuss the bio-politics of transplantation, focussing on the interaction between technological development and legislation. I argue that new developments have a direct influence on policies designed to regulate organ transplantation and refer to ethnographic examples to illustrate certain points. In addition to this I mention different approaches employed by various governments to address the same issue. These examples are taken mainly from ethnographic texts by well-known anthropologists such as Nancy Sheper-Hughes. I briefly outline the current debates surrounding the organ trade, providing the main points of each respective argument. I do this drawing on the works of: Anderson (2006); Cohen (1999); Das (2000); Grant (2006); Helman (1988); Joralemon (1995); Koening & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes (2000; 2003); Sharp (2000), Siminoff & Chillag (1999) and Teo(1991).
INTRODUCTION
Science has had a profound effect on modern lives, with new technological advances influencing not only the way we live, but also the way we think (Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000). Organ transplant surgery is one such biomedical breakthrough that has challenged conceptions of the body and its place in society (Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Scheper-Hughes: 2003). The body has become fragmented and industrialised. Turning it in to a machine, with various parts that can be replaced when they wore out (Helman: 1988). These changes are not always welcome and since it’s conception transplant surgery has been a matter of contestation (Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Teo: 1991). Subsequent developments have provided more questions than answers bringing new possibilities, but also creating new dilemmas (Koening & Hogle). New commoditised perceptions of the body eventually led to problems such as: organ sales, disputes regarding live donors and human trafficking (Anderson: 2006; Cohen: 1999; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000).
DISCUSSION
In a era when capitalism and industrialisation is forever growing and extending its hold on the world, transplant surgery found its niche in the global market (Anderson: 2006; Das: 2000; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Teo: 1991). Making use of biomedical metaphors and offering the ‘gift of life’ to those in need (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; ), provided that they can afford it (Cohen: 1999; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000, 2003; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; Sharp: 2000). The growing demand for organs suitable for transplant far surpasses the available supply of willing donors (Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000). Transforming vital organs in to the ultimate commodity, expensive, exclusive and life changing (Cohen: 2000; Scheper-Hughes: 2003; Sharp: 2000). Such Commodification of the human body and its parts highlighted historical inequalities and exploitative practices, as well as giving rise to a whole gamut of new exploitation methods (Das: 2000; Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; Teo: 1991). The bodies of the poor became a resource of vital organs for the wealthy (Anderson: 2006; Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Grant: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000-2003 ). Neither Commodification nor exploitation are new concepts, but in their contemporary forms they have raised questions regarding ownership and control over the individual body (Das: 2000; Sharp: 2000). Governments have turned to legislation, passing new laws regulating body parts in an effort to halt the organ trade, or at the very least reduce exploitation ( Cohen: 1999; Das: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). These laws were not entirely successful (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006).
Legislation was not passed simultaneously and the local organ trade simply went global in the hunt for transplant organs, transcending national boundaries in an effort to gain an advantage (Cohen: 1999, Das: 2000; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). For a while the mobile wealthy could legally circumvent their own laws regarding transplantation by turning to countries where such regulations were not yet in effect or not properly enforced (Das: 2000; Grant: 2006). This created a phenomenon known as transplant tourism which is still taking place at the present time ( Das: 2000). Examples of this are countries such as India and Turkey, where live donors offer up kidneys to rich foreigners, who visit the country with the sole intention of procuring organs (Cohen: 1999; Joralemon: 1995).
India became notorious during the early 90’s for a booming trade in live donor organs, commonly referred to as the “Organ Bazaars” (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Expose articles and media coverage such as Grant’s (2006) documentary “A Pound of Flesh” led to a public outcry and the practice of selling organs was outlawed in 1994 (Cohen: 1999; Scheper-Hughes: 2003). Instead of ending it, the new legislation simply pushed the practice underground where the ‘black market’ in organ trade thrived (Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Sharp: 2000). Despite live donations being illegal the law makes exceptions in its restrictions regarding live donations provided that there was a existing close relationship between the donor and the recipient (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006, Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Those involved with transplant coordination, capitalised on this weak spot, bribing officials and family members in a bid to procure organs (Cohen: 1999; Sharp: 2000).
Globalisation is not without its merits, because in some cases the public needs to be protected not only from unscrupulous organ dealers, but from the state itself (Anderson: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Teo: 1991). This was the case in Brazil and Argentina in the 70’s and 80’s before the switch to democratic government was made and continued in Eastern countries till the late 90’s (Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Trade sanctions and outside pressure brought about official policy changes in countries such as Singapore and China. After pressure from international human rights organisations, first Taiwan and later China passed legislation making buying and selling of organs illegal (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003). Before this law was passed, the organs of executed Chinese prisoners were routinely sold off to foreign buyers and influential locals (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999).
Yielding to pressure and passing the laws was not enough in China and allegations of human rights abuses remain rampant (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003). These allegations mainly involve the organs of condemned criminals, but claims that harsh new anti-crime campaigns are motivated by the growing demand for transplant organs have fuelled numerous international enquiries.The Chinese government has denied the allegations, but passed legislation forbidding medical and administrative staff involved with transplant procedures from providing information to anyone outside the system (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).
On web sites such as www.organtransplant.bz transplant surgeries are offered with the organ that is to be used including the quotation price. With prices ranging between $ 45 000,00 and $ 60 000,00 for a kidney and a liver transplant going up to a possible $ 100 000,00 plus the added $ 5000,00 coordination fee, transplant surgery is expensive even without added complications. The complete control of the Chinese state over the individual body creates an environment where state funded exploitation can flourish, while effectively silencing those who would protest (Anderson: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000).
The Aadhil hospital in Pakistan is more discreet. On its website http://www.aadhilhospital.com it advertises a living donor registry, guarantees a match and promises a short waiting period. They do not have direct quotes for the surgery posted on the website as is the case in China, but they make it clear that the package that is eventually negotiated will include the medical and other costs of the donor as well. Their surgeons operate in a high-tech facility and are internationally qualified.
Some countries such as Belgium, Spain, Italy, Greece and Austria have taken a more direct approach in a bid to eliminate the global organ trade, by introducing ‘presumed consent’ laws (Das: 2000; Joralemon: 1995; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000, 2003 ). Such a laws dictate that any permanent resident over a certain age is automatically considered to have consented to organ donation, in the event of an untimely death. The only way to avoid donation in these countries is to officially ‘opt out’ of donation (Das: 2000). In some countries such as Spain, the family of the deceased still holds the right to decide whether or not they are willing to consent to donation (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).
Although the effort was made to regulate and thus limit the uses to which the body could be put, public resistance to such restrictions is growing (Cohen: 1999; Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995). The idea of individual rights and autonomy are built in to the fibre of western ideology and such regulations seem to contradict this fundamental element (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Despite resistance, state regulation of the individual body is nothing new (Sharp: 2000). Various local and international human rights laws enforce certain restrictions with the presumed intention of protecting the public (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003).
CURRENT DEBATES
Although trade in organs is currently illegal, there are those who favour regulation over legislation outlawing organ sales. These advocates of regulation often base their arguments on two points, the first is ownership and individual property rights. They argue that since you own your body you should be able to decide what happens to it. The second argument rests on the perceived global scarcity of organs. The demand for transplant organs surpass the supply and it is argued that compensation would provide an incentive that would raise donation numbers. Regulation advocates claim to take a pragmatic approach to a established and complicated social problem, but fail to take in to account the true costs associated with the surgery (Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Simply claiming that organ trade is taking place in anyway so both the donor and the recipient might as well benefit from the transaction is not enough justification for legalising a potentially exploitative practice (Cohen: 1999; Joralemon: 1995; Scheper-Hughes: 2003; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Kidney sellers are almost desperate
Those who support the continued ban on organ sales raise issues such as exploitation and the potential social impact of donation on both the donor and their family (Scheper-Hughes: 2003). They argue that by reducing organs to this extend, one is simply profiting from the desperation of the poor (Cohen: 1999). An argument that is often countered by pointing out that live donors often defend their decision and many claim that they would make the same choice again if they had the opportunity (Das:2000). Live donation of organs from the bodies of the poor to those of the rich, often represent a desperate attempt on the part of the donors to get out of debt. While such donations are premised on the idea of presumed consent, it fails to take in to account that those making the choices are often not fully aware of the impact it could have on their lives (Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003).
CONCLUSION
The multifarious nature of organ transplantation complicates discussions about the subject. Transplant surgery leads a strange double life, treading and sometimes crossing the line between good and evil ( Scheper-Hughes: 2000, Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Each interpretation is as valid as the next leaving it up to context to define its nature. Dominant biomedical narratives surrounding transplant surgery highlights the potential benefits, while skilfully masking the potential pitfalls (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Potential benefits of transplant surgery are significant, but ignoring the dark side is not doing anyone any favours. Control represents a strong theme in the transplantation narrative even when it is not overtly expressed, with various parties taking part in a negotiation that only personally affects a select few (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000). Biomedical technology needed to change accepted social perceptions of the human body in order to gain individual support for transplant surgery. Such alterations represent control over the individual body, but also control over the mind (Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995). The exact location where this power ultimately resides is still a matter of contestation. Governments pass laws to regulate transplant practices while society resists such dominance, in various ingenious ways (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).
References
BOOKS & JOURNALS
• Cohen, L. 1999 ‘Where it Hurts: Indian Material for an Ethics of Organ Transplantation’ in Daedalus 128(4): 135-165
• Das, V. 2000 ‘The Practice of Organ Transplantations: Networks, Documents, Translations’ in M. Lock, A. Young, and A. Cambrioso (ed.) in Living and Working with the New Medical Technologies Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
• Helman, C. 1988 ‘Dr. Frankenstein and the Industrial Body: Reflections on ‘Spare Part’ Surgery’ in Anthropology Today 4(3): 14-16
• Joralemon, D. 1995 ‘Organ Wars: The Battle for Body Parts’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly 9(3): 335-356
• Koenig, B.A. & Hogle, L.F. ‘Organ Transplantation (Re) Examined?’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly 393-397
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 2000 ‘The Global Traffic in Human Organs’ in Current Anthropology, Vol.41, No.2, 2 April 2000
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 2003 ‘Keeping an Eye on the Global Traffic in Human Organs’ in Lancet 362: 1645-1648
• Sharp, L.A. 2000 ‘The Commodification of the Body and Its Parts’ in Annu. Rev. Anthropology 29: 287-328
• Siminoff, L.A. & Chillag, K. 1999 ‘The Fallacy of the “Gift of Life” in Hastings Centre Report 29, no. 6 34-41
• Teo, B. 1991 ‘Organs For Transplantation: The Singapore Experience’ in Hastings Center Report, November/December 1991
LINKS
(General)
• www.about.com
• Cline, A. 2007 ‘Selling Organs for Transplants: Commodification and Ownership of Bodies’ on About.com, Link: http://atheism.about.com/od/bioethics/a/sellingorgans.htm?p=1
• www.cnn.com
• Anderson C. 2006 ‘ Heading to China for an Organ Transplant’ in How Far Would You Go? An AC360◦ Special Series, on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/CNN/Programs/anderson.cooper.360/special/
• CNN.com ‘China alters transplant laws’ in World on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/WORLD/asiapcf/04/07/china.organs.ap/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Tuskegee’s ghosts: Fear hinders black marrow donation’ in Health on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/HEALTH/02/07/bone.marrow/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Modern Medical Breakthroughs’ in Health on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/HEALTH/01/12/vital.signs.overview/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Your Emails: How Far Would You Go?’ in US on CNN.com’ Link: http://www.cnn.com/2006/US/12/14/how.far.emails/index.html
• www.youtube.com
• Mcai, N.J. ‘Children’s Organ Transplant Association PSA’ on youtube.com, Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NCom7o0YXYk posted by: Richguitarblue
• Youtube.com 2006 ‘Organ Harvesting in China’ Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ia04u0u8J8s posted: Georgia Y August 20, 2006
• http://www.pbs.org
• Grant, S. 2006 “A Pound of Flesh- Selling kidneys to survive” July 20, 2006 http://www.pbs.org/cgi-registry/mediaplayer/videoplayer.cgi?playeraddress=videoplayer.cgi&media=%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_lo.rm%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_hi.rm%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_lo.mov%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_hi.mov&title=FRONTLINE%2FWorld%20.%20Rough%20Cut.%20India%3A%20A%20Pound%20of%20Flesh%20%7C%20PBS&playertemplate=%2Ffrontlineworld%2Frough%2Fvideotemplate1.html&description=India%3A%20A%20Pound%20of%20Flesh%20%2810%3A52%29
Hospitals and Organisations Involved with Transplants
• Aadhil Hospital. Pakistan – http://www.aadhilhospital.com
• Bek-Transplant – http://bek-transplant.com
• Kidney Transplant Associates. Pakistan – http://kidney.com.pk
• Organ Donor Foundation of South Africa – http://www.odf.co.za
• Organs Watch at Berkley – http://sunsite.berkley.edu/biotech/organswatch
• Organ Transplant – www.organtransplant.bz
• Unesco – http://www.unesco.org
Tuesday, 17 April 2007
guantanamo suspects trial
“Trials of Guantanamo suspects begin without a lawyer or reporter in sight” – By Andrew Buncombe in Washington
Published: 8 March 2007
This article is significant, as much for what it is, as for where it is not. In my trawling of the internet in search of articles on the U.S.’s torture policies, this article shines in its absence on U.S. newspaper sites.
Despite complaints, the Bush administration has decided to once again fly in the face of public opinion and go ahead with the military tribunals against fourteen terrorism suspects. These “trials” will take place far away from the prying eyes of the media and for some reason, even the suspects’ lawyers. The Bush administration claim it is in the interest of national security, which has been the official “line” offered in every justification from the war in Iraq up to torture today.
The prisoners are being denied their right to a fair trial and feeble compromises such as; transcripts being available at a later date sound hollow when the next line says: “it will be edited”. These trials are a “smoke and mirrors” display that the Bush administration is putting on purely for the benefit of the world looking in. They are shadow puppets with no real meaning. Of the 385 prisoners currently held at Guantanamo, the majority seem to be guilty of little more than being Muslim. The U.S. even spent $30m on a new prison block, ignoring the raucous kicked up by human rights groups. Even if the three main suspects are guilty, the misconduct of the U.S. legal system cast a shadow of doubt on their conviction.
DISCUSSION
It is a dark day for the human race when a prominent democracy decides to abandon the ideal of freedom in an attempt to cement their dominance. Sadly, that day has come. The Bush administration’s blatant disregard for the policies of the U.N. is sure to leave a bitter taste in the mouth of even the most loyal supporters. Before 9/11, nobody would have seriously considered the prospect of the U.S. endorsing torture and euphemistically calling it “advanced interrogation techniques”. Uncharged suspects are held without bail and the few who are charged are not guaranteed a fair trial.
The tragedy of the twin towers enabled Bush to rally a country and wield the kind of power many before him could only dream of.
The Bush administration ignores the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDSR) despite the fact that they too served on the council that helped draft it. Among other things the UDSR states: “No one shall be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”; “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.”; “Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.”
In no world can one reasonably assume that the Bush administration is ignorant to the fact that it is committing human rights violations on a daily basis. And the “but he did it too” defence is not legitimate, even on a school playground. Pointing fingers does not subtract from the current tragedy that is Iraq. Bush is serving as the self-proclaimed poster boy for western democracy and one has to ask oneself: “Is this really the man we want speaking for us?”
REFERENCES
• Buncombe, A. 2007 ‘Trials of Guantanamo suspects begin without a lawyer or reporter in sight’ in The independent, http://news.independent.co.uk/world/americas/article2338360.ece , accessed:8March 2007
• Moss, M. & Mekhennet, S. 2007 ‘Held 2 Years, Iraqi tells Of Abuses in U.S. Jail’ in The New York Times, Articles selected for the Sunday Times, march4,2007
• ‘Universal Declaration of Human rights’ in http://www.un.org/overview/rights.html accessed: 7March 2007-03-09
Published: 8 March 2007
This article is significant, as much for what it is, as for where it is not. In my trawling of the internet in search of articles on the U.S.’s torture policies, this article shines in its absence on U.S. newspaper sites.
Despite complaints, the Bush administration has decided to once again fly in the face of public opinion and go ahead with the military tribunals against fourteen terrorism suspects. These “trials” will take place far away from the prying eyes of the media and for some reason, even the suspects’ lawyers. The Bush administration claim it is in the interest of national security, which has been the official “line” offered in every justification from the war in Iraq up to torture today.
The prisoners are being denied their right to a fair trial and feeble compromises such as; transcripts being available at a later date sound hollow when the next line says: “it will be edited”. These trials are a “smoke and mirrors” display that the Bush administration is putting on purely for the benefit of the world looking in. They are shadow puppets with no real meaning. Of the 385 prisoners currently held at Guantanamo, the majority seem to be guilty of little more than being Muslim. The U.S. even spent $30m on a new prison block, ignoring the raucous kicked up by human rights groups. Even if the three main suspects are guilty, the misconduct of the U.S. legal system cast a shadow of doubt on their conviction.
DISCUSSION
It is a dark day for the human race when a prominent democracy decides to abandon the ideal of freedom in an attempt to cement their dominance. Sadly, that day has come. The Bush administration’s blatant disregard for the policies of the U.N. is sure to leave a bitter taste in the mouth of even the most loyal supporters. Before 9/11, nobody would have seriously considered the prospect of the U.S. endorsing torture and euphemistically calling it “advanced interrogation techniques”. Uncharged suspects are held without bail and the few who are charged are not guaranteed a fair trial.
The tragedy of the twin towers enabled Bush to rally a country and wield the kind of power many before him could only dream of.
The Bush administration ignores the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDSR) despite the fact that they too served on the council that helped draft it. Among other things the UDSR states: “No one shall be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”; “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.”; “Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.”
In no world can one reasonably assume that the Bush administration is ignorant to the fact that it is committing human rights violations on a daily basis. And the “but he did it too” defence is not legitimate, even on a school playground. Pointing fingers does not subtract from the current tragedy that is Iraq. Bush is serving as the self-proclaimed poster boy for western democracy and one has to ask oneself: “Is this really the man we want speaking for us?”
REFERENCES
• Buncombe, A. 2007 ‘Trials of Guantanamo suspects begin without a lawyer or reporter in sight’ in The independent, http://news.independent.co.uk/world/americas/article2338360.ece , accessed:8March 2007
• Moss, M. & Mekhennet, S. 2007 ‘Held 2 Years, Iraqi tells Of Abuses in U.S. Jail’ in The New York Times, Articles selected for the Sunday Times, march4,2007
• ‘Universal Declaration of Human rights’ in http://www.un.org/overview/rights.html accessed: 7March 2007-03-09
difficulties in nurturing
The difference between unwilling and unable
Introduction
In this essay I will demonstrate that the political economy in a country does indeed have an impact on the health of the children living there. I will also briefly look at the extend of the economy’s influence on healthcare as a major contributing factor in ill health. To do this I will draw on the works of Cliff & Noormahomed and Scheper-Hughes. I begin by examining case studies in Mozambique and Brazil. Combined with a short analysis of data gained in these articles.
Discussion
The adverse effects of a crippled economy is a daily reality that literally millions of people must learn to contend with (Cliff & Noormahomed 1993). This reality may come to the world’s attention in war torn countries like Mozambique, but it is all to easy to forget that these are not the only places where the problem lies. Even in countries where there has been economic growth, there are still those left out in the cold (Scheper-Hughes 1984).
I will use the three main determinants in children’s health as mentioned by Cliff & Noormahomed in order to illustrate the influence of the political economy on children’s health. These are 1. Socio-economic conditions; 2.Women’s health; 3. Access to health care services. Socio-economic conditions have the most direct influence of the three (Scheper-Hughes). Economical problems quickly translate into financial problems for poor families (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Families are no longer able to afford enough food to meet their basis calorific needs, this leads to malnutrition and as a result growth faltering among children (Cliff& Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). This will also adversely effect the health of mothers, leaving them weakened and unable to render sufficient care. In Mozambique the war significantly reduces the amount of time that mother’s have to spend with their children. The reduced family income means more time spent looking for additional income in urban areas and increased travelling time in rural ones. The unstable climate of the country has led to hospitals becoming unsafe as well as making it almost impossible for mobile units to operate. Immunisations have dropped, leaving a generation of children vulnerable to diseases that could have been prevented (Cliff & Noormahomed).
In Brazil, the body imagery used by mothers in the rural shantytown closely mimics the reality of the larger society they inhabit. Mothers see themselves as unfit to produce anything of value when unable to produce milk to feed their child. They replicate social stratification, using words usually linked to a particular class to characterise their children. There are even cases of so called “selective neglect” where mothers neglect babies that they believe are weak to such an extend that they eventually die (Scheper-Hughes). Monetary constraints on these mother’s capacity to raise happy, healthy children adds a deeper dimension to a story that is often told from an ethnocentric point of view. Women who cannot afford healthcare or the economic burden of caring for a sickly child are often harshly judged (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). And while at first glance their behaviour may seem callous and uncaring, without taking the time to look a bit deeper, we do these women an immense injustice (Scheper-Hughes).
Conclusion
Although it may be tempting to fall into the trap of ‘victim blaming’ when one looks at malnourished children in poverty stricken areas, this does not address the real issues at hand (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Instead of reprimanding a mother for not taking better care of her children, we would be better off taking the time to examine the wider socio-economical factors that influence their ability to care for their children (Scheper-Hughes). A mother may be willing to take proper care of her children, without having the means to. Being able to tell the difference between unwilling and unable is the only way to do these women justice (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes).
References:
• Cliff, J. & Noormahomed, A.R. 1993 ‘The Impact of War On Children’s Health in Mozambique’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 36 (7)
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ In Soc. Sci. Med. 19 (5)
Introduction
In this essay I will demonstrate that the political economy in a country does indeed have an impact on the health of the children living there. I will also briefly look at the extend of the economy’s influence on healthcare as a major contributing factor in ill health. To do this I will draw on the works of Cliff & Noormahomed and Scheper-Hughes. I begin by examining case studies in Mozambique and Brazil. Combined with a short analysis of data gained in these articles.
Discussion
The adverse effects of a crippled economy is a daily reality that literally millions of people must learn to contend with (Cliff & Noormahomed 1993). This reality may come to the world’s attention in war torn countries like Mozambique, but it is all to easy to forget that these are not the only places where the problem lies. Even in countries where there has been economic growth, there are still those left out in the cold (Scheper-Hughes 1984).
I will use the three main determinants in children’s health as mentioned by Cliff & Noormahomed in order to illustrate the influence of the political economy on children’s health. These are 1. Socio-economic conditions; 2.Women’s health; 3. Access to health care services. Socio-economic conditions have the most direct influence of the three (Scheper-Hughes). Economical problems quickly translate into financial problems for poor families (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Families are no longer able to afford enough food to meet their basis calorific needs, this leads to malnutrition and as a result growth faltering among children (Cliff& Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). This will also adversely effect the health of mothers, leaving them weakened and unable to render sufficient care. In Mozambique the war significantly reduces the amount of time that mother’s have to spend with their children. The reduced family income means more time spent looking for additional income in urban areas and increased travelling time in rural ones. The unstable climate of the country has led to hospitals becoming unsafe as well as making it almost impossible for mobile units to operate. Immunisations have dropped, leaving a generation of children vulnerable to diseases that could have been prevented (Cliff & Noormahomed).
In Brazil, the body imagery used by mothers in the rural shantytown closely mimics the reality of the larger society they inhabit. Mothers see themselves as unfit to produce anything of value when unable to produce milk to feed their child. They replicate social stratification, using words usually linked to a particular class to characterise their children. There are even cases of so called “selective neglect” where mothers neglect babies that they believe are weak to such an extend that they eventually die (Scheper-Hughes). Monetary constraints on these mother’s capacity to raise happy, healthy children adds a deeper dimension to a story that is often told from an ethnocentric point of view. Women who cannot afford healthcare or the economic burden of caring for a sickly child are often harshly judged (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). And while at first glance their behaviour may seem callous and uncaring, without taking the time to look a bit deeper, we do these women an immense injustice (Scheper-Hughes).
Conclusion
Although it may be tempting to fall into the trap of ‘victim blaming’ when one looks at malnourished children in poverty stricken areas, this does not address the real issues at hand (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Instead of reprimanding a mother for not taking better care of her children, we would be better off taking the time to examine the wider socio-economical factors that influence their ability to care for their children (Scheper-Hughes). A mother may be willing to take proper care of her children, without having the means to. Being able to tell the difference between unwilling and unable is the only way to do these women justice (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes).
References:
• Cliff, J. & Noormahomed, A.R. 1993 ‘The Impact of War On Children’s Health in Mozambique’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 36 (7)
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ In Soc. Sci. Med. 19 (5)
Traditional Healers
Traditional Healers: Stuck in the Past, or Part of the Future?
Traditional healers have been practicing alongside biomedicine for such a long time (Freedman&Motsei 1992; Hellenberg 2004; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit 1998) , that it almost comes as a shock that they have yet to be included in the national health care system (Hopa&Symbayi). Medical doctors tend to view traditional healers and traditional medicine with barely concealed contempt (Hellenberg). Putting it down to savage trickery mainly concerned with duping the uneducated into parting with their hard-earned cash for the medical equivalent of pixie dust (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). This is due in part to the negative media coverage that traditional medicine tends to generate, mixed with a fair amount of bias reserved for all alternative medicine (Hellenberg).
Despite this suspicion on the part of biomedicine, there are still thousands of South Africans who make use of traditional healers in some form of another (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit). Estimates vary, but they go as high as 80% (Hopa,Simbayi&duToit). This means that a significant amount of people living in south Africa today use traditional healers either as an alternative to western medicine, or as a complementary aid ( Freedman& Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). Conventional wisdom would have us believe that these traditional healers operate mainly in rural areas where the residents have either no alternative, or simply “don’t know any better” (Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). However, for 80% of the population to make use of traditional healers in some degree this simply cannot be the case.
The reasons why people make use of traditional healers are numerous (Freedman& Motsei). Yet there is a common thread that runs through those sited that has more to do with how traditional healers operate than where they are (Hellenberg). Traditional healers tend to take a holistic approach to healing, looking not only at the symptoms of the illness, but trying to explain the cause as well (Freeman&Motsei; Feierman&Jansen 1992). They view illness in a social context and will often explain the illness in terms of the individuals’ family or group (Freeman& Motsei; Feierman&Jansen; Hellenberg). This view when combined with the complete faith that customers often place in their traditional healer makes traditional healers especially effective when treating psychosomatic illness (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). They have also shown remarkable skill when it comes to treating psychological problems (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit).
The place for traditional healers in the South African health care system cannot be ignored, but deciding that they need to be included on its own is not enough (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). There are genuine concerns that have been raised about some treatments offered by traditional healers (Freeman&Motsei, Hellenberg). These include: sucking on wounds, herbal enemas for dehydration, poor success rate when handling visual problems and the use of toxic herbs (Hellenberg). These risks exist, but I would rather argue that intensive training and regulations would be more beneficial to the public, than simply excluding them all together (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). At the moment, there is no standard procedure to either training or registering traditional healers, paving the way for charlatans with false claims. Regulating traditional healers would not only protect the public, but also those traditional healers who are in fact rendering a valuable service (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit).
Some standardised form of training for traditional healers would minimize potentially negative treatments and also better equip traditional healers to serve their customers (Freeman& Motsei; Hellenberg). It should also lend legitimacy to traditional healers in the eyes of western medicine, which would have a positive impact on their professional relationship (Hellenberg). Traditional healers clearly have a role to play, and anything that can be done to facilitate their successful inclusion in the health care system would benefit all concerned.
References:
• Freeman, M. & Motsei,M. 1992 ‘Planning Health Care in South Africa – Is there a role for traditional healers?’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 34 (11)
• Feierman, S. & Jansen, J. 1992 ‘Introduction’ in Feierman, S & Jansen, J (eds.) The Social Basis of Health and Healing in Africa. Berkeley: University California Press.
• Hellenberg, D. (ed) 2004 ‘Bridging the Gap – African Traditional Healing’ by Cameron, N., Coetzee,E., Keikelame,J., Pillay,M., Ramdass, R., Rangaka,T., Stulting, A., Tereblance, J., Vivian, L., South African Medical Association.
• Hopa,M., Simbayi, L.C., & du Toit, C.D. 1998 ‘Perceptions on Integration of Traditional and Western Healing in the New South Africa’ in South African Journal of Psychology. 28 (1)
Traditional healers have been practicing alongside biomedicine for such a long time (Freedman&Motsei 1992; Hellenberg 2004; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit 1998) , that it almost comes as a shock that they have yet to be included in the national health care system (Hopa&Symbayi). Medical doctors tend to view traditional healers and traditional medicine with barely concealed contempt (Hellenberg). Putting it down to savage trickery mainly concerned with duping the uneducated into parting with their hard-earned cash for the medical equivalent of pixie dust (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). This is due in part to the negative media coverage that traditional medicine tends to generate, mixed with a fair amount of bias reserved for all alternative medicine (Hellenberg).
Despite this suspicion on the part of biomedicine, there are still thousands of South Africans who make use of traditional healers in some form of another (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit). Estimates vary, but they go as high as 80% (Hopa,Simbayi&duToit). This means that a significant amount of people living in south Africa today use traditional healers either as an alternative to western medicine, or as a complementary aid ( Freedman& Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). Conventional wisdom would have us believe that these traditional healers operate mainly in rural areas where the residents have either no alternative, or simply “don’t know any better” (Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). However, for 80% of the population to make use of traditional healers in some degree this simply cannot be the case.
The reasons why people make use of traditional healers are numerous (Freedman& Motsei). Yet there is a common thread that runs through those sited that has more to do with how traditional healers operate than where they are (Hellenberg). Traditional healers tend to take a holistic approach to healing, looking not only at the symptoms of the illness, but trying to explain the cause as well (Freeman&Motsei; Feierman&Jansen 1992). They view illness in a social context and will often explain the illness in terms of the individuals’ family or group (Freeman& Motsei; Feierman&Jansen; Hellenberg). This view when combined with the complete faith that customers often place in their traditional healer makes traditional healers especially effective when treating psychosomatic illness (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). They have also shown remarkable skill when it comes to treating psychological problems (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit).
The place for traditional healers in the South African health care system cannot be ignored, but deciding that they need to be included on its own is not enough (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). There are genuine concerns that have been raised about some treatments offered by traditional healers (Freeman&Motsei, Hellenberg). These include: sucking on wounds, herbal enemas for dehydration, poor success rate when handling visual problems and the use of toxic herbs (Hellenberg). These risks exist, but I would rather argue that intensive training and regulations would be more beneficial to the public, than simply excluding them all together (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). At the moment, there is no standard procedure to either training or registering traditional healers, paving the way for charlatans with false claims. Regulating traditional healers would not only protect the public, but also those traditional healers who are in fact rendering a valuable service (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit).
Some standardised form of training for traditional healers would minimize potentially negative treatments and also better equip traditional healers to serve their customers (Freeman& Motsei; Hellenberg). It should also lend legitimacy to traditional healers in the eyes of western medicine, which would have a positive impact on their professional relationship (Hellenberg). Traditional healers clearly have a role to play, and anything that can be done to facilitate their successful inclusion in the health care system would benefit all concerned.
References:
• Freeman, M. & Motsei,M. 1992 ‘Planning Health Care in South Africa – Is there a role for traditional healers?’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 34 (11)
• Feierman, S. & Jansen, J. 1992 ‘Introduction’ in Feierman, S & Jansen, J (eds.) The Social Basis of Health and Healing in Africa. Berkeley: University California Press.
• Hellenberg, D. (ed) 2004 ‘Bridging the Gap – African Traditional Healing’ by Cameron, N., Coetzee,E., Keikelame,J., Pillay,M., Ramdass, R., Rangaka,T., Stulting, A., Tereblance, J., Vivian, L., South African Medical Association.
• Hopa,M., Simbayi, L.C., & du Toit, C.D. 1998 ‘Perceptions on Integration of Traditional and Western Healing in the New South Africa’ in South African Journal of Psychology. 28 (1)
Body fluids
Using Conceptions of Body Fluids,
To Build a Social System of Control
In this paper I examine the complex phenomenon of body fluids, paying particular attention to concepts such as “purity” and “pollution” as they relate to the mutual exchange of these fluids. I discuss the social control afforded by a community’s interpretation of this exchange, while paying particular attention to the effects this has on the relationship and interaction between the sexes. To facilitate this examination, I make use of a number of ethnographic case studies searching for particular similarities and differences between them in order to give a more holistic interpretation of the information gained from such studies. To do this I draw on the works of Barrett (2002); Calhoun (2002); Dias (1961); Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Scheper-Hughes (1984); Taylor (1990) and Turner (1957)
The effects of “purity” and “pollution” on social organization
Even in studies where the concepts of “purity” and “pollution” are not directly mentioned one can often find covert references to their effects (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Ethnographers will sometimes describe cleansing rituals in great detail, without delving deeper into the belief system that underpins it as can be seen in the works of Dias (1961) and Turner (1957). The complexity of social organization makes any form of outside interpretation of such a system problematic, not always due to any failing on the part of ethnographers, but simply because the majority of social conventions are such an integral part of life that informants are no longer even aware of their existence (Barrett:2002). Religion and health in particular are closely connected to the concept of pollution, and need to be considered when the time comes to interpret both the concept and the ideology that lends it its meaning (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
The concepts of purity and pollution are complex terms made up of various layers, effectively forming the foundation of a system of distinctions that controls behaviour and establishes and individual’s status in a particular group (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957) . There are different ways that a person can become ‘contaminated’ or ‘polluted’ and the effects of this pollution can also vary in intensity (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989). There are cases when pollution may be permanent, and since polluted individuals must operate on the boundaries of society, there are often a complex system of rituals and taboos to determine the behaviour of ‘pure’ individuals, lest they also become contaminated as can be seen in Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Turner (1957). In addition to this it is possible to distinguish between pollution that is physical, and thus affects the physical body and pollution that is spiritual (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Practical interaction based on symbolic meaning
These concepts of purity and pollution is closely intertwined with the symbolic meaning of body fluids (Farmer: 1988; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Bodily fluids such as blood, saliva, semen, vaginal fluids, breast milk and even urine become complex when viewed in the particular social context that surrounds them as can be seen in the apposing views of people living in Rwanda (Taylor:1990) and those in Sambia (Herdt:1982). This social context is vital when it comes to interpreting the symbolism behind these meanings, since it directly influences and guides the belief system that lends meaning to these fluids (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Scheper-Hughes:1984; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).
In the work of Scheper-Hughes (1984) in the rural shantytown of Northeast Brazil mothers project their own social conditions directly onto interpretations of their bodies. They see themselves as worthless and as such, believe themselves to be unable to produce anything of value. This belief is related to their unwillingness to breastfeed their infants, not only because of their perceived inability to produce nourishing milk, but also due to fear that their own failings will be transmitted to their offspring.
The idea of being able to transmit negative qualities through breast milk is also found in rural Haiti as can be seen in the work of Farmer (1988), where a “folk illness” known as move san is thought to be transmitted via the infected mother’s breast milk to her infant. Directly translated as “bad blood”, move san systematically infects a mother’s entire body and if left untreated it may even be fatal. Just as was the case in Brazil, this fear of transmission plays an important part in mothers’ decision for early weaning.
Yet it is not only between mothers and infants where a physical exchange of body fluids becomes enriched with symbolic meaning, it also plays a significant role in the interaction between males and females (Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). Residents of Rwanda, the South African Lowveld and even New Guinea believe that the body is not bounded, but permeable (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). This belief that the body is able to transmit and integrate substances to and from other bodies, acts as a powerful regulator for social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).
In Herdt’s 1982 work on Sambia, women in particular are seen as a dangerous threat to male dominance and vitality and this perceived threat directly impacts on all social interaction between the sexes. Women are seen as “potentially contaminating” and the man becomes responsible for performing ritual “cleansing” acts to protect himself. The most prominent of these acts comes in the form of ritual bloodletting, where the man induces nose bleeding in himself in an effort to protect himself from the effects of female contamination.
A variant of this idea of contamination is present in both Hammond-Tooke’s (1989) and Niehaus’ (2002) work on the perceptions of villagers in the South African Lowveld, where contamination can give rise to a dangerous condition known as fiša (heat). They deal with this threat by practicing a variety of taboos regarding sex, pregnancy and death in an effort to circumvent contamination. In both these instances taboos highlight the direct impact of pollution beliefs on social behaviour with regards to regulating social interaction.
Not all cultures perceive the exchange of bodily fluids in such a negative light however. In fact, in Taylor’s (1990) study in Rwanda this exchange is loaded with meanings related to the socially ordered flow of fluids and any attempts to block this flow endangers the persons involved. Instead of seeing male and female as separate entities that need to avoid contact as far as possible to maintain male dominance, the relationship becomes a partnership with each individual contributing a vital component to the other’s health and happiness. The Rwandan body is never seen as a frozen entity, but rather remains fractal, constantly involved in reciprocal flow and being built up by “gifts” received from those around it.
Passing the buck: Pollution and BlamePollution and polluted individuals can be blamed for a gamut of evils ranging from health issues to drought (Hammond-Tooke:1989). This is found in both Brazil and Haiti, where the mother’s perceived inability to produce anything of value becomes a metaphor for her perception of own social situation (Farmer:1988; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Among the Zulu pollution is seen in terms of ‘darkness’ and this causes anything from general misfortune to a lack of resistance to disease. Among the Kgaga who live in the Lowveld, fiša is associated with any illness that is associated to fever and in cases such as miscarriages there is wide-ranging effects, even in the country as a whole. Women who had miscarriages and concealed them risked toppling the entire country into a drought, since the hidden foetus would keep the rain away (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Relation between gender and pollution
Most of the effects of pollution are not so far reaching however, and the greatest danger seems to be to men (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This is the case in Sambia (Herdt:1982), the Lowveld (Niehaus:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989), among the Nguni as well as the Zulu (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Women are stigmatised as the harbourers of pollution, turning the interactions between male and female members of the community into a complicated web of social conventions (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This stigma is particularly effective for ensuring the subjugation of the women in question, since any male who goes against such convention runs a very real risk of having himself relegated to the same restrictions in which the females find themselves (Herdt:1982). People have difficulty coping with vague classifications due to uncertain boundaries, and the concept of pollution can be seen as an attempt to cope with such confusions. It is often the case that people become polluted when they are going through the transformation from one category to another, as is the case with pregnant mothers, widows, corpses, travellers etc. It is during this transformation time that ritual “fences” are build against them, to protect the rest of the community from them, until such time when they can safely be classified again (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Conclusion
Despite the obvious complexity surrounding the concepts of purity and pollution, the daunting task of their interpretation remains an important one. Their influence may not always manifest itself in overt ways, but this does not diminish their importance when it comes to interpreting social phenomena (Hammond-Tooke:1989). By dividing the population into groups of “pure” or “polluted” individuals, distinctions are made in social status and this distinction serves as a powerful control mechanism over social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). The social control afforded by the possibility of being branded “polluted” and relegated to the fringes, serves an important mechanism for ensuring the stability of a community’s social organization even when the world is changing around it (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). This is particularly important to the maintenance of the hegemonic social position occupied for the most part by the male members of such communities (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). Without such mechanisms, they would risk greater resistance from women who are no longer willing to submit themselves to such subjugation and such resistance would lead to the subsequent rearrangement of their current social order (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
References.• Barrett, S.R. 2002 ‘Part one: Building the Discipline’ and ‘Unleashing the Anthropologist: A Historical Overview’ in Anthropology: A student’s guide to theory and method University of Toronto Press Inc.: Canada pg.3-83
• Calhoun, C (ed.) 2002 ‘Definition: Purity and Pollution’ in Dictionary of the Social Sciences Oxford University Press: Oxford
• Dias, A.J. 1961 ‘The Makonde People: Social Life’ in Portuguese Contribution to Cultural Anthropology Witwatersrand University Press: Johannesburg, pg. 47-61
• Farmer, P 1988 ‘Bad Blood, Spoiled Milk: Bodily Fluids as Moral Barometers in Rural Haiti’ in American Ethnologist, Vol.15, No.1, Medical Anthropology, (Feb.1988) pg.62-83
• Hammond-Tooke, D 1989 ‘Pollution’ in Rituals and Medicines: Indigenous Healing in South Africa, AD. Donker (pty.) Ltd.: Johannesburg pg.91-102
• Herdt, G 1982 ‘Sambia Nosebleeding Rites and Male Proximity to Women’ in Ethos, Vol.10 (3): 189-231
• Niehaus, I 2002 ‘Bodies, Heat and Taboos: Conceptualizing Modern Personhood in the South African Lowveld’ in Ethnology, Vol.41(3): 189-207
• Scheper-Hughes, N 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ in Social Sciences Med. Vol.19(5): 535-546
• Taylor, C.C. 1990 ‘Condoms and Cosmology: The ‘Fractal’ Person and Sexual Risk in Rwanda’ in Soc. Sci. Med. Vol.31(9): 1023-1028
• Turner, V.W 1957 ‘Matrilineal Succession and the Dynamics of Village Intrigue’ and ‘The Structural Implications of Virilocal Marriage Within the Village’ in Schism and Continuity in an African Society: A Study of Ndembu Village Life Manchester University Press: Manchester, pg.131-168; 234-258
To Build a Social System of Control
In this paper I examine the complex phenomenon of body fluids, paying particular attention to concepts such as “purity” and “pollution” as they relate to the mutual exchange of these fluids. I discuss the social control afforded by a community’s interpretation of this exchange, while paying particular attention to the effects this has on the relationship and interaction between the sexes. To facilitate this examination, I make use of a number of ethnographic case studies searching for particular similarities and differences between them in order to give a more holistic interpretation of the information gained from such studies. To do this I draw on the works of Barrett (2002); Calhoun (2002); Dias (1961); Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Scheper-Hughes (1984); Taylor (1990) and Turner (1957)
The effects of “purity” and “pollution” on social organization
Even in studies where the concepts of “purity” and “pollution” are not directly mentioned one can often find covert references to their effects (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Ethnographers will sometimes describe cleansing rituals in great detail, without delving deeper into the belief system that underpins it as can be seen in the works of Dias (1961) and Turner (1957). The complexity of social organization makes any form of outside interpretation of such a system problematic, not always due to any failing on the part of ethnographers, but simply because the majority of social conventions are such an integral part of life that informants are no longer even aware of their existence (Barrett:2002). Religion and health in particular are closely connected to the concept of pollution, and need to be considered when the time comes to interpret both the concept and the ideology that lends it its meaning (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
The concepts of purity and pollution are complex terms made up of various layers, effectively forming the foundation of a system of distinctions that controls behaviour and establishes and individual’s status in a particular group (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957) . There are different ways that a person can become ‘contaminated’ or ‘polluted’ and the effects of this pollution can also vary in intensity (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989). There are cases when pollution may be permanent, and since polluted individuals must operate on the boundaries of society, there are often a complex system of rituals and taboos to determine the behaviour of ‘pure’ individuals, lest they also become contaminated as can be seen in Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Turner (1957). In addition to this it is possible to distinguish between pollution that is physical, and thus affects the physical body and pollution that is spiritual (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Practical interaction based on symbolic meaning
These concepts of purity and pollution is closely intertwined with the symbolic meaning of body fluids (Farmer: 1988; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Bodily fluids such as blood, saliva, semen, vaginal fluids, breast milk and even urine become complex when viewed in the particular social context that surrounds them as can be seen in the apposing views of people living in Rwanda (Taylor:1990) and those in Sambia (Herdt:1982). This social context is vital when it comes to interpreting the symbolism behind these meanings, since it directly influences and guides the belief system that lends meaning to these fluids (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Scheper-Hughes:1984; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).
In the work of Scheper-Hughes (1984) in the rural shantytown of Northeast Brazil mothers project their own social conditions directly onto interpretations of their bodies. They see themselves as worthless and as such, believe themselves to be unable to produce anything of value. This belief is related to their unwillingness to breastfeed their infants, not only because of their perceived inability to produce nourishing milk, but also due to fear that their own failings will be transmitted to their offspring.
The idea of being able to transmit negative qualities through breast milk is also found in rural Haiti as can be seen in the work of Farmer (1988), where a “folk illness” known as move san is thought to be transmitted via the infected mother’s breast milk to her infant. Directly translated as “bad blood”, move san systematically infects a mother’s entire body and if left untreated it may even be fatal. Just as was the case in Brazil, this fear of transmission plays an important part in mothers’ decision for early weaning.
Yet it is not only between mothers and infants where a physical exchange of body fluids becomes enriched with symbolic meaning, it also plays a significant role in the interaction between males and females (Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). Residents of Rwanda, the South African Lowveld and even New Guinea believe that the body is not bounded, but permeable (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). This belief that the body is able to transmit and integrate substances to and from other bodies, acts as a powerful regulator for social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).
In Herdt’s 1982 work on Sambia, women in particular are seen as a dangerous threat to male dominance and vitality and this perceived threat directly impacts on all social interaction between the sexes. Women are seen as “potentially contaminating” and the man becomes responsible for performing ritual “cleansing” acts to protect himself. The most prominent of these acts comes in the form of ritual bloodletting, where the man induces nose bleeding in himself in an effort to protect himself from the effects of female contamination.
A variant of this idea of contamination is present in both Hammond-Tooke’s (1989) and Niehaus’ (2002) work on the perceptions of villagers in the South African Lowveld, where contamination can give rise to a dangerous condition known as fiša (heat). They deal with this threat by practicing a variety of taboos regarding sex, pregnancy and death in an effort to circumvent contamination. In both these instances taboos highlight the direct impact of pollution beliefs on social behaviour with regards to regulating social interaction.
Not all cultures perceive the exchange of bodily fluids in such a negative light however. In fact, in Taylor’s (1990) study in Rwanda this exchange is loaded with meanings related to the socially ordered flow of fluids and any attempts to block this flow endangers the persons involved. Instead of seeing male and female as separate entities that need to avoid contact as far as possible to maintain male dominance, the relationship becomes a partnership with each individual contributing a vital component to the other’s health and happiness. The Rwandan body is never seen as a frozen entity, but rather remains fractal, constantly involved in reciprocal flow and being built up by “gifts” received from those around it.
Passing the buck: Pollution and BlamePollution and polluted individuals can be blamed for a gamut of evils ranging from health issues to drought (Hammond-Tooke:1989). This is found in both Brazil and Haiti, where the mother’s perceived inability to produce anything of value becomes a metaphor for her perception of own social situation (Farmer:1988; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Among the Zulu pollution is seen in terms of ‘darkness’ and this causes anything from general misfortune to a lack of resistance to disease. Among the Kgaga who live in the Lowveld, fiša is associated with any illness that is associated to fever and in cases such as miscarriages there is wide-ranging effects, even in the country as a whole. Women who had miscarriages and concealed them risked toppling the entire country into a drought, since the hidden foetus would keep the rain away (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Relation between gender and pollution
Most of the effects of pollution are not so far reaching however, and the greatest danger seems to be to men (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This is the case in Sambia (Herdt:1982), the Lowveld (Niehaus:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989), among the Nguni as well as the Zulu (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Women are stigmatised as the harbourers of pollution, turning the interactions between male and female members of the community into a complicated web of social conventions (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This stigma is particularly effective for ensuring the subjugation of the women in question, since any male who goes against such convention runs a very real risk of having himself relegated to the same restrictions in which the females find themselves (Herdt:1982). People have difficulty coping with vague classifications due to uncertain boundaries, and the concept of pollution can be seen as an attempt to cope with such confusions. It is often the case that people become polluted when they are going through the transformation from one category to another, as is the case with pregnant mothers, widows, corpses, travellers etc. It is during this transformation time that ritual “fences” are build against them, to protect the rest of the community from them, until such time when they can safely be classified again (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
Conclusion
Despite the obvious complexity surrounding the concepts of purity and pollution, the daunting task of their interpretation remains an important one. Their influence may not always manifest itself in overt ways, but this does not diminish their importance when it comes to interpreting social phenomena (Hammond-Tooke:1989). By dividing the population into groups of “pure” or “polluted” individuals, distinctions are made in social status and this distinction serves as a powerful control mechanism over social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). The social control afforded by the possibility of being branded “polluted” and relegated to the fringes, serves an important mechanism for ensuring the stability of a community’s social organization even when the world is changing around it (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). This is particularly important to the maintenance of the hegemonic social position occupied for the most part by the male members of such communities (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). Without such mechanisms, they would risk greater resistance from women who are no longer willing to submit themselves to such subjugation and such resistance would lead to the subsequent rearrangement of their current social order (Hammond-Tooke:1989).
References.• Barrett, S.R. 2002 ‘Part one: Building the Discipline’ and ‘Unleashing the Anthropologist: A Historical Overview’ in Anthropology: A student’s guide to theory and method University of Toronto Press Inc.: Canada pg.3-83
• Calhoun, C (ed.) 2002 ‘Definition: Purity and Pollution’ in Dictionary of the Social Sciences Oxford University Press: Oxford
• Dias, A.J. 1961 ‘The Makonde People: Social Life’ in Portuguese Contribution to Cultural Anthropology Witwatersrand University Press: Johannesburg, pg. 47-61
• Farmer, P 1988 ‘Bad Blood, Spoiled Milk: Bodily Fluids as Moral Barometers in Rural Haiti’ in American Ethnologist, Vol.15, No.1, Medical Anthropology, (Feb.1988) pg.62-83
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• Niehaus, I 2002 ‘Bodies, Heat and Taboos: Conceptualizing Modern Personhood in the South African Lowveld’ in Ethnology, Vol.41(3): 189-207
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• Turner, V.W 1957 ‘Matrilineal Succession and the Dynamics of Village Intrigue’ and ‘The Structural Implications of Virilocal Marriage Within the Village’ in Schism and Continuity in an African Society: A Study of Ndembu Village Life Manchester University Press: Manchester, pg.131-168; 234-258
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