Talk is Cheap But Lies are Expensive

‘Talk is Cheap,
But Lies are Expensive’

This study begins with a comparative analysis of the difference in perspectives between young adult males currently studying at the Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University, mainly with regards to sexuality and HIV/AIDS. I chose two groups from the student population. The first, consisting of young adult males who grew up in cities. And second, young adult males who grew up in ‘platteland’ communities. By doing this I test the common assumption, that those who grew up in cities, would be better informed than their ‘platteland’ counterparts. With ‘platteland’ meaning farming communities, and with participants either residing in a small town or on a farm. These two groups provided the ‘urban’ vs. ‘rural’ concept that is used throughout the paper. In addition to this I examine the presumed connection between, the amount of sexual knowledge and sexual practice. In an effort to establish if their level of sexual knowledge was the main determining factor when it came to participants’ choices regarding sexual conduct. Instead, I found that the dominant narrative that emerged, was religion. From this, I analyse the influence of the religious hegemonic discourse on participants’ social organisation and behaviour. I do this drawing on the works of: Ashcraft (2006); Bird (1996); Campbell (1997); Dowsett (2003); Farmer (1995); Kiesling (2001, Volume 11, Number 1); Kiesling (2001, Volume 11, Number2); Klein (2000); Levine & Ross (2002); Watson (n.d)




Background

The North-West University is the product of a merger of the University of the North-West with that of the Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education and consists of three campuses namely: Mafikeng, Potchefstroom and Vaal Triangle. This study was conducted on the Potchefstroom campus of the North-West University. This campus was formerly known as the Potchefstroom University for Higher Education, and most of the participants refer to it as the PUK (Our recent history). Despite the fact that things have changed in recent years, there still exists a strong sense of tradition. This sense of tradition and the focus on religious values consistently draws students who claim to subscribe to these same religious beliefs (Why the NWU-PUK Campus?). But even when the majority of students describe themselves as religious, that does not mean that they will always see eye to eye when it comes to sexuality.

Literature Review

Ashcraft’s (2006) paper on teen sexuality shows how the dominant discourses of sexuality not only shape social identities, but also serve to reinforce social inequalities. Another common element is the way in which participants revise dominant discourses, challenging some while incorporating others, actively participating in the creation of their own social order.

Bird’s (1996) paper concerning multiple masculinities and the maintenance of hegemonic masculinity is interesting when viewed in relation to the current study. The way Bird describes how individuals who differ from the masculine norm are pushed aside and condemned bears a strong resemblance to the reactions displayed by the members of the abstinence collective. Another far less entertaining parallel comes in the form of the subordination of femininity, and viewing women as sexual objects. Even though members of the present study started out very careful about what they said, by the middle of the questionnaire they were freely making comments about young women, who were perceived as promiscuous. Using a variety of descriptions and social slang, all condemning them for actions such as ‘being too friendly’ and ‘not wearing the right clothes’.

Campbell’s (1997) study, highlights the psychosocial context of HIV transmission. In addition to this, he looks at how an individual’s social identity goes on to shape their behaviour. This influence not only dictates their general social behaviour, but influences their sexual behaviour as well. And although the participants in Campbell’s (1997) study, had masculinity playing the leading role in their social narrative instead of religion, as is the case in the present study, being made aware of how the dominant narrative permeates and influences social contexts, should lend valuable insight into my analysis of the present context.

Dowsett’s (2003) paper on sexuality and gender shows what a valuable tool gender becomes when one aims to understand the HIV pandemic. Social structure dominates the pandemic and since gender makes up such an important building block of this structure its importance becomes self-evident. Dowsett (2003) pays a lot of attention on how social structures that seem ‘natural’ are actually created by the individuals living in them.

Farmer (1995) on the other hand, makes use of the influence of the “cultural component” when he discusses the spread of HIV/AIDS. This element is useful for the present study since analysis of common cultural discourse should enable me to detect and later analyse those elements that could influence participants’ susceptibility to HIV/AIDS transmission.




In Kiesling’s (2001, Vol. 11( 1)) paper, he discusses the use of linguistic devices as a method of creating and maintaining social hierarchy. Even though Kiesling’s fieldwork was conducted far away from this university, the methods young males employ to create and cement their social hierarchy in America is employed with equal amounts of zeal by participants in the present study.

In Kiesling’s (2002, Vol. 11(2)) paper on the shifting constructions of masculinity he describes a number of mechanisms used by men to claim their place in the social hierarchy. He mentions four specific mechanisms, and three of those are employed by participants in the current study. These are: direct indexing, the use of speech acts that presuppose and indirect indexing through speech activities associated with particular powerful groups. The last is particularly clear in Joep’s interview, but variations are present in most of the discussions.

The work of Klein (2000), regarding narratives provides important insight into not only the existence of narratives in everyday communication, but also into how they become tools in the social organization. By highlighting the meaning and possible interpretations of the term, Klein makes one aware of, narratives present in everyday life, paving the way for improved interpretation.

Levine & Ross’ (2002) paper on the perceptions of young adults at UCT bears the most resemblance to the current study, but although it may be temping to lean heavily on this seemingly parallel data, it should be avoided since there is a very real risk of coming to the ‘expected’ conclusions in the present study, regardless of whether or not the data support such conclusions. However, by being aware of this possibility of contamination, I will endeavour to avoid it. There are certain trends that feature in both studies, such as the fact that few participants had been for AIDS tests or had discussed HIV/AIDS with their partner. Another common trend comes in the fact that participants make use of stereotypes when describing risk and high risk groups in order to distance themselves from these groups and in effect the implications of HIV/AIDS. Even more interesting than the similarities, are the differences between the findings of the two studies. The participants of the current study were far more positive towards the idea of condom use than those reported in Levine & Ross’(2002) study. Since the studies were done about five years apart, this could possibly indicate at least the partial success of AIDS awareness campaigns especially relating to condom use. What is troubling though is that participants are still not keen on the idea of going for an AIDS test, or discussing the subject of AIDS with their partner. Only one of the participants in the present study had been for an AIDS test and that same participant was the only one who had in fact discussed AIDS with a partner.

In Lund et al.’s (2006) paper on hierarchy negotiation makes the bold claim that “getting ahead” is the fundamental driving force behind motivation. They set about naming various tactics of hierarchy negotiation and when one draws the parallels between the actions of the participants between that study and the present one, one specific technique takes centre stage. Lund et al. (2006) call this “Deception/ Manipulation” and this refers to the way that participants will often engage in deceptive self promotion as well as taking time out to derogate competitors. This tactic was usually employed by members of the ‘rural’ group. Another less popular technique displayed was “Social Display/ Networking” where participants make a point of displaying positive characteristics and make a show of helping others. This last tecnique was consistently displayed by Andries Papenvoes, who represented the only abstaining member of the ‘urban’ group.

Watson’s (n.d.) description of a sociolinguistic model intended for narrative analysis supplies a formal and functional framework from which one can identify a narrative style and study it. It alerts the reader to recurring patterns in narrative as well as showing how to break it up into its component parts. Watson also stresses the importance of narrative in the study of culture.


Methodology

For this study I have chosen one on one interviews with participants. These interviews were conducted privately, using a questionnaire with a number of set questions as a guideline. The questions were designed in such a way that I could get a good oversight not only of the participants’ social views, but also into the depth of their knowledge regarding HIV/AIDS. To supplement the information I had gained from these questions, I also let each participant write a simple test, to better gauge their HIV/AIDS knowledge. The test consisted of twenty statements, to which participants needed to supply simple ‘true’ or ‘false’ answers. The results gained from these tests proved to be valuable when it came to analysing the information gained from the interview questions.
The reasoning behind adding a test to the interviews, lies in the comparative nature of the study. I used the test as an added safety device when I compared the depth of participant’s knowledge, looking to find if the test results confirmed the information I had already gained from the interviews.

Who are the participants, and how were they selected

For this study, I have chosen six young adult males currently studying on the Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University. Due to the comparative nature of the study, I have elected to divide them into two groups, each consisting of three members. With one group representing the ‘city’ or ‘urban’ and the other representing the ‘platteland’ or ‘rural’ aspect. All the participants are Afrikaans males and their ages range between 21 years and 25 years old.

Types of data and Sources

In an effort to be as thorough as possible, I elected to tape the interviews and then set about transcribing them. This is why majority of the raw data for this study comes from a combination of transcripts of interviews and notes taken during interviews with participants, along with the participants’ test results. To supplement the information gained in this way, as well as providing background for analysis I relied on a selection of journals and online resources. These include: Journal of Linguistic Anthropology; Anthropology and Education Quarterly; Reproductive Health Matters; Journal of Research in Personality; Gender and Society; and American Anthropologist.

Procedures for data analysis

To facilitate analysis of the data gained from the sources mentioned above, I broke the procedure down into smaller parts. I started out by looking for possible similarities between the current study and previous studies. Along with this I was also on the look out for possible differences that could be of interest. I then isolated any the trends present in the interviews of participants in the same group, as those present in all interviews. From this I was able not only to compare the two groups, but also test the new facts against the previous assumptions.


Gaining Perspective

At the beginning of each interview, participants were asked to supply their definitions to certain basic terms used in this study. This was done as a safety measure, to ensure that the definitions of terms used by participants and that of the reader were the same. When one looks at the variations between participants’ answers, the reasoning behind this soon becomes clear.

Janus: “ Seksuele aktiwiteite… Karfoefel. Mutual gratification.”, (Sexual activities. Fooling around. Mutual gratification);Jannie Gietergat: “… verder as vry, is te ver.”, (When you go further than french kissing, then you are going too far); Joep: “ … waar jy begin vatterig raak en daai goed… as jy begin vat waar jy nie moet vat nie en dan begin dit nou bietjie in daai lyn, in daai rigting gaan.”,(When you start getting touchy feely. Once you start touching places where you’re not supposed to and things like that, then you are starting to go in that direction).


‘Urban’ vs. ‘Rural’

Difference in perspectives, regarding HIV/AIDS transmission, between young men who grew up in cities as opposed to those who grew up on the ‘platteland’

This basic contrast between the views of the ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ participants regarding the subject of sexual intercourse, serves as the starting point for a discourse, with two contrasting views, that seem impossible to reconcile.

The majority of the ‘urban’ males approved of pre-marital sex as long as it was in a relationship. As can bee seen by Joe F’s response: “Ek het glad nie ‘n pyn daarmee nie… As jy omgee vir ‘n persoon, dank an jy seks hê met daai persoon.”, when he was asked about his view on pre-marital sex(I have no problem with it… If you care about a person, then you can have sex with that person). This point was shared by Janus, another member of the ‘urban’ group, who represents the only other sexually active male.
On the other hand, all the ‘rural’ males were strongly apposed to the idea of pre-marital sex. As can be seen from the response of Ballonetjie: ”Mm, verkeerd. Soek jy ‘n rede? Um, dis vir my ook half, half ‘n geloof saak. Want jy weet, seks is bedoel vir die huwelik.” (It’s wrong. Do you want a reason? It’s a question of faith for me. ‘Cos you know, sex was made for marriage). This extended explanation came without prompting, and represents the first emergence of the religious narrative in the text (based on the works of: Campbell:1997; Lund:2006; Kiesling:2000;Klein:2000 ). This religious connection between ‘sexual intercourse’ and marriage, dominates all ‘rural’ participants’ answers relating to the subject. This negative view of pre-marital sex was shared by the remaining ‘urban’ participant Andries Papenvoes, but the extended explanation is noticeably absent (Lund: 2006; Kiesling: 2001).



The ‘urban’ participants, were significantly more tolerant of those members of the community who did not comply with their own personal ideal (Kiesling:2001; Lund:2006). Even Andries Papenvoes, who has elected to abstain from ‘sexual activity’, expressed concern rather than contempt for the choices made by the sexually active members of society. “…ons persentasies van mense wat VIGS het is nogal redelik hoog. En van mense wat al seksueel aktief is. Mens kan sien daar is soos, ‘n nodigheid vir kommer. Ja, ja daar is ‘n nodigheid vir kommer.”,(The percentages (On the Potchefstroom Campus) of people who have AIDS are quite high. That and those of people who are already sexually active. You can see there is reason to worry. Yes, there is reason to be worried).Displaying the “Social Display” tactic described in Lund (2006)

While the ‘rural’ participants made a point of actively and vocally condemning those who were in fact ‘sexually active’ at every possible opportunity (Ashcraft:2006; Lund:2006; Kiesling:2001). Take for example Ballonetjie’s reaction while discussing making condoms available as a possible method of AIDS prevention on campus: “ Ek gaan dit nou terugvat na die hele losbandige mense toe. Want hoekom vat jy daai ding? Om hom te gebruik.”, (I’m going to take that back to promiscuous people. Because, why would you take that thing (a condom)?To go and use it). For him, offering students a method of contraception was a way of condoning and even maybe encouraging students to be sexually active. This is a belief that was shared by Jannie Gietergat: “ Man, hulle moet vir steek seker nie kondome uitdeel nie, want dis ‘common’. Nee, heerder man, dis stupid. Jy hits mos nou net ‘n mens aan.”, (They really shouldn’t hand out condoms, because it’s cheap. It’s stupid. You just encourages people). Similar can be seen in Ashcraft (2006) and Dowsett (2003).

A worrying trend among the ‘rural’ participants is a high level of naivety, that comes across in some of the casual remarks they made regarding HIV/AIDS, it’s transmission and sexual activity in general they all deny knowing anyone who is HIV+ and even go as far as denying that anyone they’re friends with is currently sexually active. Even though they made all the right noises when answering the obvious questions, they often lacked a deeper understanding of the broad principles that they were reciting from memory (Levine & Ross: 2002). None of them honestly believe that HIV/AIDS or even any form of sexual activity will ever have an impact on them, and they trust that if it does, they will be able to tell ‘what kind of girl she is’ (Ashcraft:2006; Bird: 1996; Dowsett: 2003). Jannie Gietergat was often the most frank of the three “Die girls wat ek sal like is eerder van die plaas af… so daar hoef jy nie te worry nie” (The girls I like come from farms, and you don’t have to worry about them), but even Ballonetjie “Jy kan dit sommer sien… dit wat jy is straal buitentoe” (You can see it… the type of person that you are shows on the outside) and Joep “ ‘n Mens kan as jy… vir iemand kyk, dan kan jy sien” (You can see when you look at someone), let some comments slip during the conversation that indicates just how deep this problem really goes.

Another thorny subject between the participants is the subject of HIV/AIDS education. Neither the ‘urban’ nor the ‘rural’ group adopted specific position regarding HIV/AIDS education. Participants seemed conflicted, not with other views this time, but mostly with themselves. All participants were pro-HIV/AIDS education in theory, but when it came to when and where or any other detail their train of thought jumped the rails as illustrated by Ballonetjie’s contradictions. Interestingly, whether or not the participant considered himself informed was not the major deciding factor when it came to thinking about HIV/AIDS education in a university context. With some, like Ballonetjie, Janus and Jannie Gietergat feeling it’s too late, even though they admitted that they weren’t that well informed. Another thing that all participants could agree on was the need for parental involvement in HIV/AIDS education, this comes despite the fact that most their parents had not discussed the subject with them (Ashcraft: 2006).



Inconsistency Between ‘Ideal’ and ‘Action’

Contradictions between what participants claimed to think when they answered certain questions such as: “Do you think you can tell if someone has AIDS?”; “Do you consider yourself to be at risk?” and “Who does AIDS concern?”, and what they actually do were rampant. As can be seen in the following responses: Joe F “Ja. Dit is ‘n kwessie wat van toepassing is op enige persoon” (Yes, it is an issue that affects everybody) followed by “Ek meen, meeste van die mense in die hoë risiko groepe, is gewoonlik jou laer opgevoede klas mense.” (The most people in high risk groups are usually ‘low class’ people) and Joep:” Ja, wel almal is”(Yes, well everybody is) and “Spanners… daai klas”( Common people… that class of people) (Bird: 1996; Klein: 2000; Levine & Ross: 2002) . This was as problem for both the ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ participants. But was expressed particularly clearly in, the difference between ‘sexually active’ participants’ claims and their actions (Barrett:2000). The assumed connection between the level of knowledge and participants’ sexual practices, only made it as far as the articulation of their ‘ideal’ beliefs (Barrett: 2000; Levine & Ross: 2002).

Even though the ‘sexually active’ participants truly attempted to translate their knowledge on the subject of HIV/AIDS into social practice, human fallibility, combined with incomplete assimilation, meant that their actions sometimes contradicted their claims. Joe F: “Ek hou nie daarvan om saam met iemand te slaap wat ek nie ken nie, maar dit het al gebeur… Alhoewel ek dit nie wil doen nie” (I don’t like sleeping with someone that I don’t know, but it has happened in the past… Even though I don’t want to do it).

It is important to take the social context at work during interviews into account (Bird: 1996; Barrett: 2000; Campbell: 1997; Kiesling: 2001; Klein: 2000). By doing this, the claims made by participants while engaging in their current social performance, takes on a new and intricately constructed meaning (drawing on Bird: 1996; Barrett: 2000; Campbell: 1997; Kiesling: 2001 (1&2); Lund: 2006, ) Participants’ claims have more to do with the role that they have elected to play in this social interaction, than their actual beliefs (Kiesling: 2001; Klein: 2000; Watson: nd.).

This conflict between ‘ideal’ and ‘actual’ belief becomes clear when one compares the differences between the claims and participants’ discourse (Barrett:2000).
All participants openly condemned ‘one-night-stands’, and yet half of them were guilty of this very transgression. Those who were guilty, felt a very real sense of remorse and were quietly ashamed of their inability to live up to the social ‘ideal’. Some even went as far as expressing regret Ballonetjie: “ Een keer ja… ek is meer half in die ding ingepraat in my eerste jaar”(It happened once yes… I was convinced by someone during my first year).


Religion as Collective Hegemonic Narrative

Religion emerges as a dominant narrative in the hegemonic discourse of these participants (Bird: 1996; Campbell: 1997; Kiesling: 2001; Klein: 2000; Lund: 2006). All participants claim to be religious and gave themselves scores between 6 and 8 out of ten, when asked to rate how religious they were. By doing this they automatically align themselves with the hegemonic majority (Bird: 1996; Kiesling: 2001). However, this membership comes at a price. Those who abstain are constantly condemning and judging the “immoral” people, who are sexually active (Lund:2006; ).

These vocal reprimands serve as a constant confirmation of their membership to the hegemonic collective, as well as repeatedly excluding those who fail to conform to the guidelines set out by the group (Bird: 1996; Kiesling: 2001; Lund: 2006). This leaves sexually active participants with a bit of a conundrum. They must choose between three equally unattractive options (Bird: 1996; Campbell: 1997; Kiesling: 2001):
1. They must alter their current behaviour and conform to the prescribed ideal of abstinence.
2. They must conceal their sexual activity from other members of the group.
3. They must separate themselves from the religious hegemony and relinquish their current position in the social hierarchy.

In this study, all sexually active participants chose the second option. The first comes from a group that consists entirely of sexually active young men, who have all privately chosen the same option. This ‘shared secret’ affords him and other members of that particular group a certain amount of protection from the hegemonic ‘gatekeepers’, who judge harshly and condemn without mercy (Kiesling: 2001).

Unfortunately the second sexually active participant finds himself in a more precarious position (Bird: 1996; Kiesling: 2001). He is not part of such a ‘shared secret’ group, but rather finds himself in the middle of a very hostile abstinence collective. The constant harsh criticisms of members of a similar group, makes his a truly unenviable position to be in. He risks being ostracized if his sexual practice becomes public, as well as potentially leaving himself without a support system, if his actions were to lead him in to trouble. It seems highly unlikely that the members of this particular abstinence collective would be willing to offer support if his transgressions were to become public (Bird: 1996;Lund: 2006).

One participant, Andries Papenvoes, represents an interesting deviation from the abstinence collective norm. Although he in fact, ‘plays by the rules’ of the religious hegemonic collective by abstaining, he remains almost uncharacteristically sympathetic to the sexually active deviants, offering support and advice instead of just blanket condemnation. Make no mistake, he laments the fact that young people today are sexually active and seem to be almost predominantly reckless when it comes to their sexual behaviour, but still he chooses to at least attempt to respect the choices made by others. This is even though he does not understand them, and certainly does not agree with them. This behaviour conforms to the “Social Display” principle and to a lesser extend the “Manipulation” principle described by Lund (2006)

Conclusion

In response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic in South Africa, I set about unraveling the mystery. Looking not only for reasons, but also possible solutions. In an effort to understand the reasoning that male university students employ when making sexual choices, I compared the views and knowledge of participants from ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ settings. I found that the religious narrative permeates deeply into all forms of social construction in the lives of those who participated (Klein: 2000; Watson: nd.). This dominant narrative both protects and endangers those that subscribe to it as was seen in Campell’s (1997) study. Since my study only involved six participants, it cannot be taken as absolute proof of the entire student population of the North-West University’s views regarding HIV/AIDS. Yet some of the trends that are present, are so consistent that they merit a closer look.

There has been some measure of success on the part of AIDS campaigns. Students are far more willing to use condoms than was indicated by a previous study based in Cape Town (Levine & Ross: 2002). It is still not nearly enough. Students remain unwilling to go for AIDS tests and have failed to grasp the seriousness of the HIV/AIDS threat. Policy makers can no longer afford to deny the impact of HIV/AIDS on the student population. Denial is putting students at risk, and will continue to do so until an effort is made to raise awareness in a way that touches these students (Ashcraft: 2006; Campbell: 1997). If the current discourse of denial persists, there is a risk that students could simply continue along their present path, without ever truly believing that they are at risk.


References

• Ashcraft, C. (2006) ‘Ready or Not… Teen Sexuality and the Troubling Discourse of Readiness’ in Anthropology and Education Quarterly, Volume 37, Number 4, pp. 328-346
• Author Unknown (2005) ‘Ethical Guidelines and Principles of Conduct for Anthropologists’ in Anthropology Southern Africa, 28(3&4), pp.142-143
• Barrett, S.R. 2002 ‘Unleashing the Anthropologist: A Historical Overview’ and ‘Method’ in Anthropology: A Student’s Guide to Theory and Method University of Toronto Press inc. pg 3-46; 69-83
• Bird, S.R (1996) ‘Welcome to the Men’s Club: Homosociality and the Maintenance of Hegemonic Masculinity’ in Gender and Society, Volume 10, Number 2, pp. 120-132
• Campbell, C. (1997) ‘Migrancy, Masculine Identities and AIDS: The Psychosocial Context of HIV transmission on the South African Gold Mines’ in Social Sciences Med., Volume 45, Number 2, pp. 273-281
• Dowsett, G. W. (2003) ‘Some Considerations on Sexuality and Gender in the Context of AIDS’ in Reproductive Health Matters, Volume 11, Number 22, pp.21-29
• Farmer, P. 1995 ‘Culture, Poverty, and the Dynamics of AIDS Transmission in Rural Haiti’ in T Brummelhuis, and G Herdt (ed.) Culture and Sexual Risk: Anthropological Perspectives on AIDS Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach Publishers
• Kiesling, S. (2001) ‘Stances in Whiteness and Hegemony in Fraternity Men’s Discourse’ in Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, Volume 11, Number 1, pp. 101-115
• Kiesling, S.F. (2001) “Now I Gotta Whatch What I Say’: Shifting Constructions of Masculinity in Discourse” in Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, Volume 11, Number 2, pp. 250-273
• Klein, H.E.M (2000) ‘Narrative’ in Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, Volume 9, Number 1-2, pp. 167-169
• Levine, S. & Ross, F. 2002 ‘Perceptions of and Attitudes to HIV/AIDS among young adults at UCT’ in Social Dynamics 28(1): 89-108
• Lund, O.C.H., et al. (2006) ‘Tactics of Hierarchy Negotiation’ in Journal of Research in Personality, Volume 41, pp. 25-44
• North West University (2007) ‘Our recent history’ in About Us, url:http://www.nwu.ac.za/opencms/export/NWU/html/nwu/about-us-rhistory.html accessed: 20 April 2007
• North West University, Potchefstroom Campus (2007) ‘Why the NWU-PUK Campus?’ in Prospective Students, url:http://www.puk.ac.za/vstudente/index_e.html accessed: 20 April 2007
• Prinsloo, A.F. (2005) Spreekwoorde en waar hulle vandaan kom, Pharos Woordeboeke, NB Uitgewers, Kaapstad
• Watson, K.A. (n.d) ‘A Rheutorical and Sociolinguistic Model for the Analysis of Narritive’ in American Anthropologist, Volume , pp. 243-
• Wikipedia, Baseball Metaphor in a sexual context, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/baseball_Metaphor , accessed: 25 April 2007




Appendix A:

Ethical Considerations

Anthropologists often have to interact very closely with the members of the community that have chosen to participate in the study and our first responsibility should always be towards them. Participants should never be reduced to a “means to an end”, but should always be handled with care and respect. This has certain implications for any given study and even as a student anthropologist, I am bound by these conventions. In an effort to guarantee my participants’ anonymity, I gave them the opportunity to choose their own pseudonyms and conducted all my interviews privately. Because this study might one day form part of a larger one, the participants were required to sign release forms, but there is no way that I am aware of to connect these forms with the transcripts of their interviews. I have also tried to make sure that my participants all received fair representation, and have strived to keep my comments as neutral as possible. During interviews I gave my participants the choice about whether or not to answer certain questions and Jannie Gietergat was one of the few who used this right by refusing to explain “koekkie hollander broekkies” on tape.


(Based on: Ethical Guidelines and Principles of Conduct for Anthropologists)





Appendix B:
Translation and Explanations of Certain Phrases

• Kat uit die boom uit kyk – “’n Afwagtende houding inneem. Versigtig wees. See which way the cat jumps.” – Prinsloo (2005)
• Meng jou met die semels en die varke vreet jou op – “As jy met slegte geselskap omgaan, word jy ook sleg. Touch pitch and be defiled.”—Prinsloo (2005)
• Uit die bloute uit – Out of the blue. Something that happens that is unexpected.
• In ‘n negatiewe lig sien – “ Swak voorstel. Present something in a bad light.”—Prinsloo (2005)
• As ‘n yster warm genoeg raak, dan buig hy – If someone comes under enough pressure, they will change their mind. In context this means that getting excited in a sexual context could influence someone’s choices.
• Hy het nog nie die pyp gerook nie – He has not had sex yet.
• Selfbeeld in ‘n bottel – Self esteem from a bottle, similar to the idea of “Dutch courage”.
• Oop en bloot – Out in the open. Someone said something without disguising it in any way.
• Nie ‘n halwe kans nie – There is no way. Not even half a chance.
• Hits ‘n mens aan – Encourage someone to do something
• ‘n Pad saam met iemand gestap het – Based on the belief that when you have spent a lot of time with someone and gone through certain things with them, you should know them reasonably well.

Organ Transplantation: The Jekyl and Hyde Phenomenon

‘Organ Transplantation: The Jekyl and Hyde Phenomenon’



In this essay I examine the complex topic of organ transplantation and the ethical considerations involved in the practices that surround it. I discuss the bio-politics of transplantation, focussing on the interaction between technological development and legislation. I argue that new developments have a direct influence on policies designed to regulate organ transplantation and refer to ethnographic examples to illustrate certain points. In addition to this I mention different approaches employed by various governments to address the same issue. These examples are taken mainly from ethnographic texts by well-known anthropologists such as Nancy Sheper-Hughes. I briefly outline the current debates surrounding the organ trade, providing the main points of each respective argument. I do this drawing on the works of: Anderson (2006); Cohen (1999); Das (2000); Grant (2006); Helman (1988); Joralemon (1995); Koening & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes (2000; 2003); Sharp (2000), Siminoff & Chillag (1999) and Teo(1991).




INTRODUCTION

Science has had a profound effect on modern lives, with new technological advances influencing not only the way we live, but also the way we think (Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000). Organ transplant surgery is one such biomedical breakthrough that has challenged conceptions of the body and its place in society (Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Scheper-Hughes: 2003). The body has become fragmented and industrialised. Turning it in to a machine, with various parts that can be replaced when they wore out (Helman: 1988). These changes are not always welcome and since it’s conception transplant surgery has been a matter of contestation (Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Teo: 1991). Subsequent developments have provided more questions than answers bringing new possibilities, but also creating new dilemmas (Koening & Hogle). New commoditised perceptions of the body eventually led to problems such as: organ sales, disputes regarding live donors and human trafficking (Anderson: 2006; Cohen: 1999; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000).

DISCUSSION

In a era when capitalism and industrialisation is forever growing and extending its hold on the world, transplant surgery found its niche in the global market (Anderson: 2006; Das: 2000; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Teo: 1991). Making use of biomedical metaphors and offering the ‘gift of life’ to those in need (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; ), provided that they can afford it (Cohen: 1999; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000, 2003; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; Sharp: 2000). The growing demand for organs suitable for transplant far surpasses the available supply of willing donors (Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000). Transforming vital organs in to the ultimate commodity, expensive, exclusive and life changing (Cohen: 2000; Scheper-Hughes: 2003; Sharp: 2000). Such Commodification of the human body and its parts highlighted historical inequalities and exploitative practices, as well as giving rise to a whole gamut of new exploitation methods (Das: 2000; Joralemon: 1995; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999; Teo: 1991). The bodies of the poor became a resource of vital organs for the wealthy (Anderson: 2006; Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Grant: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000-2003 ). Neither Commodification nor exploitation are new concepts, but in their contemporary forms they have raised questions regarding ownership and control over the individual body (Das: 2000; Sharp: 2000). Governments have turned to legislation, passing new laws regulating body parts in an effort to halt the organ trade, or at the very least reduce exploitation ( Cohen: 1999; Das: 1988; Joralemon: 1995; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). These laws were not entirely successful (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006).

Legislation was not passed simultaneously and the local organ trade simply went global in the hunt for transplant organs, transcending national boundaries in an effort to gain an advantage (Cohen: 1999, Das: 2000; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). For a while the mobile wealthy could legally circumvent their own laws regarding transplantation by turning to countries where such regulations were not yet in effect or not properly enforced (Das: 2000; Grant: 2006). This created a phenomenon known as transplant tourism which is still taking place at the present time ( Das: 2000). Examples of this are countries such as India and Turkey, where live donors offer up kidneys to rich foreigners, who visit the country with the sole intention of procuring organs (Cohen: 1999; Joralemon: 1995).

India became notorious during the early 90’s for a booming trade in live donor organs, commonly referred to as the “Organ Bazaars” (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Expose articles and media coverage such as Grant’s (2006) documentary “A Pound of Flesh” led to a public outcry and the practice of selling organs was outlawed in 1994 (Cohen: 1999; Scheper-Hughes: 2003). Instead of ending it, the new legislation simply pushed the practice underground where the ‘black market’ in organ trade thrived (Cohen: 1999; Das: 2000; Sharp: 2000). Despite live donations being illegal the law makes exceptions in its restrictions regarding live donations provided that there was a existing close relationship between the donor and the recipient (Cohen: 1999; Grant: 2006, Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Those involved with transplant coordination, capitalised on this weak spot, bribing officials and family members in a bid to procure organs (Cohen: 1999; Sharp: 2000).

Globalisation is not without its merits, because in some cases the public needs to be protected not only from unscrupulous organ dealers, but from the state itself (Anderson: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; Teo: 1991). This was the case in Brazil and Argentina in the 70’s and 80’s before the switch to democratic government was made and continued in Eastern countries till the late 90’s (Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Trade sanctions and outside pressure brought about official policy changes in countries such as Singapore and China. After pressure from international human rights organisations, first Taiwan and later China passed legislation making buying and selling of organs illegal (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003). Before this law was passed, the organs of executed Chinese prisoners were routinely sold off to foreign buyers and influential locals (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999).

Yielding to pressure and passing the laws was not enough in China and allegations of human rights abuses remain rampant (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003). These allegations mainly involve the organs of condemned criminals, but claims that harsh new anti-crime campaigns are motivated by the growing demand for transplant organs have fuelled numerous international enquiries.The Chinese government has denied the allegations, but passed legislation forbidding medical and administrative staff involved with transplant procedures from providing information to anyone outside the system (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).

On web sites such as www.organtransplant.bz transplant surgeries are offered with the organ that is to be used including the quotation price. With prices ranging between $ 45 000,00 and $ 60 000,00 for a kidney and a liver transplant going up to a possible $ 100 000,00 plus the added $ 5000,00 coordination fee, transplant surgery is expensive even without added complications. The complete control of the Chinese state over the individual body creates an environment where state funded exploitation can flourish, while effectively silencing those who would protest (Anderson: 2006; Scheper-Hughes: 2000).

The Aadhil hospital in Pakistan is more discreet. On its website http://www.aadhilhospital.com it advertises a living donor registry, guarantees a match and promises a short waiting period. They do not have direct quotes for the surgery posted on the website as is the case in China, but they make it clear that the package that is eventually negotiated will include the medical and other costs of the donor as well. Their surgeons operate in a high-tech facility and are internationally qualified.

Some countries such as Belgium, Spain, Italy, Greece and Austria have taken a more direct approach in a bid to eliminate the global organ trade, by introducing ‘presumed consent’ laws (Das: 2000; Joralemon: 1995; Koenig & Hogle; Scheper-Hughes: 2000, 2003 ). Such a laws dictate that any permanent resident over a certain age is automatically considered to have consented to organ donation, in the event of an untimely death. The only way to avoid donation in these countries is to officially ‘opt out’ of donation (Das: 2000). In some countries such as Spain, the family of the deceased still holds the right to decide whether or not they are willing to consent to donation (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).

Although the effort was made to regulate and thus limit the uses to which the body could be put, public resistance to such restrictions is growing (Cohen: 1999; Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995). The idea of individual rights and autonomy are built in to the fibre of western ideology and such regulations seem to contradict this fundamental element (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Despite resistance, state regulation of the individual body is nothing new (Sharp: 2000). Various local and international human rights laws enforce certain restrictions with the presumed intention of protecting the public (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003).





CURRENT DEBATES

Although trade in organs is currently illegal, there are those who favour regulation over legislation outlawing organ sales. These advocates of regulation often base their arguments on two points, the first is ownership and individual property rights. They argue that since you own your body you should be able to decide what happens to it. The second argument rests on the perceived global scarcity of organs. The demand for transplant organs surpass the supply and it is argued that compensation would provide an incentive that would raise donation numbers. Regulation advocates claim to take a pragmatic approach to a established and complicated social problem, but fail to take in to account the true costs associated with the surgery (Scheper-Hughes: 2000). Simply claiming that organ trade is taking place in anyway so both the donor and the recipient might as well benefit from the transaction is not enough justification for legalising a potentially exploitative practice (Cohen: 1999; Joralemon: 1995; Scheper-Hughes: 2003; Sharp: 2000; Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Kidney sellers are almost desperate

Those who support the continued ban on organ sales raise issues such as exploitation and the potential social impact of donation on both the donor and their family (Scheper-Hughes: 2003). They argue that by reducing organs to this extend, one is simply profiting from the desperation of the poor (Cohen: 1999). An argument that is often countered by pointing out that live donors often defend their decision and many claim that they would make the same choice again if they had the opportunity (Das:2000). Live donation of organs from the bodies of the poor to those of the rich, often represent a desperate attempt on the part of the donors to get out of debt. While such donations are premised on the idea of presumed consent, it fails to take in to account that those making the choices are often not fully aware of the impact it could have on their lives (Das: 2000; Helman: 1988; Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003).




CONCLUSION

The multifarious nature of organ transplantation complicates discussions about the subject. Transplant surgery leads a strange double life, treading and sometimes crossing the line between good and evil ( Scheper-Hughes: 2000, Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Each interpretation is as valid as the next leaving it up to context to define its nature. Dominant biomedical narratives surrounding transplant surgery highlights the potential benefits, while skilfully masking the potential pitfalls (Siminoff & Chillag: 1999). Potential benefits of transplant surgery are significant, but ignoring the dark side is not doing anyone any favours. Control represents a strong theme in the transplantation narrative even when it is not overtly expressed, with various parties taking part in a negotiation that only personally affects a select few (Scheper-Hughes: 2000; 2003; Sharp: 2000). Biomedical technology needed to change accepted social perceptions of the human body in order to gain individual support for transplant surgery. Such alterations represent control over the individual body, but also control over the mind (Helman: 1988; Joralemon: 1995). The exact location where this power ultimately resides is still a matter of contestation. Governments pass laws to regulate transplant practices while society resists such dominance, in various ingenious ways (Scheper-Hughes: 2000).








References

BOOKS & JOURNALS

• Cohen, L. 1999 ‘Where it Hurts: Indian Material for an Ethics of Organ Transplantation’ in Daedalus 128(4): 135-165
• Das, V. 2000 ‘The Practice of Organ Transplantations: Networks, Documents, Translations’ in M. Lock, A. Young, and A. Cambrioso (ed.) in Living and Working with the New Medical Technologies Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
• Helman, C. 1988 ‘Dr. Frankenstein and the Industrial Body: Reflections on ‘Spare Part’ Surgery’ in Anthropology Today 4(3): 14-16
• Joralemon, D. 1995 ‘Organ Wars: The Battle for Body Parts’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly 9(3): 335-356
• Koenig, B.A. & Hogle, L.F. ‘Organ Transplantation (Re) Examined?’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly 393-397
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 2000 ‘The Global Traffic in Human Organs’ in Current Anthropology, Vol.41, No.2, 2 April 2000
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 2003 ‘Keeping an Eye on the Global Traffic in Human Organs’ in Lancet 362: 1645-1648
• Sharp, L.A. 2000 ‘The Commodification of the Body and Its Parts’ in Annu. Rev. Anthropology 29: 287-328
• Siminoff, L.A. & Chillag, K. 1999 ‘The Fallacy of the “Gift of Life” in Hastings Centre Report 29, no. 6 34-41
• Teo, B. 1991 ‘Organs For Transplantation: The Singapore Experience’ in Hastings Center Report, November/December 1991



LINKS
(General)
• www.about.com
• Cline, A. 2007 ‘Selling Organs for Transplants: Commodification and Ownership of Bodies’ on About.com, Link: http://atheism.about.com/od/bioethics/a/sellingorgans.htm?p=1
• www.cnn.com
• Anderson C. 2006 ‘ Heading to China for an Organ Transplant’ in How Far Would You Go? An AC360◦ Special Series, on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/CNN/Programs/anderson.cooper.360/special/
• CNN.com ‘China alters transplant laws’ in World on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/WORLD/asiapcf/04/07/china.organs.ap/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Tuskegee’s ghosts: Fear hinders black marrow donation’ in Health on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/HEALTH/02/07/bone.marrow/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Modern Medical Breakthroughs’ in Health on CNN.com, Link: http://www.cnn.com/2007/HEALTH/01/12/vital.signs.overview/index.html
• CNN.com ‘Your Emails: How Far Would You Go?’ in US on CNN.com’ Link: http://www.cnn.com/2006/US/12/14/how.far.emails/index.html
• www.youtube.com
• Mcai, N.J. ‘Children’s Organ Transplant Association PSA’ on youtube.com, Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NCom7o0YXYk posted by: Richguitarblue
• Youtube.com 2006 ‘Organ Harvesting in China’ Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ia04u0u8J8s posted: Georgia Y August 20, 2006
• http://www.pbs.org
• Grant, S. 2006 “A Pound of Flesh- Selling kidneys to survive” July 20, 2006 http://www.pbs.org/cgi-registry/mediaplayer/videoplayer.cgi?playeraddress=videoplayer.cgi&media=%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_lo.rm%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_hi.rm%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_lo.mov%2C%2Ffrontlineworld%2Findia_kidneys_rc25_hi.mov&title=FRONTLINE%2FWorld%20.%20Rough%20Cut.%20India%3A%20A%20Pound%20of%20Flesh%20%7C%20PBS&playertemplate=%2Ffrontlineworld%2Frough%2Fvideotemplate1.html&description=India%3A%20A%20Pound%20of%20Flesh%20%2810%3A52%29


Hospitals and Organisations Involved with Transplants

• Aadhil Hospital. Pakistan – http://www.aadhilhospital.com
• Bek-Transplant – http://bek-transplant.com
• Kidney Transplant Associates. Pakistan – http://kidney.com.pk
• Organ Donor Foundation of South Africa – http://www.odf.co.za
• Organs Watch at Berkley – http://sunsite.berkley.edu/biotech/organswatch
• Organ Transplant – www.organtransplant.bz
• Unesco – http://www.unesco.org

difficulties in nurturing

The difference between unwilling and unable

Introduction

In this essay I will demonstrate that the political economy in a country does indeed have an impact on the health of the children living there. I will also briefly look at the extend of the economy’s influence on healthcare as a major contributing factor in ill health. To do this I will draw on the works of Cliff & Noormahomed and Scheper-Hughes. I begin by examining case studies in Mozambique and Brazil. Combined with a short analysis of data gained in these articles.

Discussion

The adverse effects of a crippled economy is a daily reality that literally millions of people must learn to contend with (Cliff & Noormahomed 1993). This reality may come to the world’s attention in war torn countries like Mozambique, but it is all to easy to forget that these are not the only places where the problem lies. Even in countries where there has been economic growth, there are still those left out in the cold (Scheper-Hughes 1984).

I will use the three main determinants in children’s health as mentioned by Cliff & Noormahomed in order to illustrate the influence of the political economy on children’s health. These are 1. Socio-economic conditions; 2.Women’s health; 3. Access to health care services. Socio-economic conditions have the most direct influence of the three (Scheper-Hughes). Economical problems quickly translate into financial problems for poor families (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Families are no longer able to afford enough food to meet their basis calorific needs, this leads to malnutrition and as a result growth faltering among children (Cliff& Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). This will also adversely effect the health of mothers, leaving them weakened and unable to render sufficient care. In Mozambique the war significantly reduces the amount of time that mother’s have to spend with their children. The reduced family income means more time spent looking for additional income in urban areas and increased travelling time in rural ones. The unstable climate of the country has led to hospitals becoming unsafe as well as making it almost impossible for mobile units to operate. Immunisations have dropped, leaving a generation of children vulnerable to diseases that could have been prevented (Cliff & Noormahomed).

In Brazil, the body imagery used by mothers in the rural shantytown closely mimics the reality of the larger society they inhabit. Mothers see themselves as unfit to produce anything of value when unable to produce milk to feed their child. They replicate social stratification, using words usually linked to a particular class to characterise their children. There are even cases of so called “selective neglect” where mothers neglect babies that they believe are weak to such an extend that they eventually die (Scheper-Hughes). Monetary constraints on these mother’s capacity to raise happy, healthy children adds a deeper dimension to a story that is often told from an ethnocentric point of view. Women who cannot afford healthcare or the economic burden of caring for a sickly child are often harshly judged (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). And while at first glance their behaviour may seem callous and uncaring, without taking the time to look a bit deeper, we do these women an immense injustice (Scheper-Hughes).

Conclusion

Although it may be tempting to fall into the trap of ‘victim blaming’ when one looks at malnourished children in poverty stricken areas, this does not address the real issues at hand (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes). Instead of reprimanding a mother for not taking better care of her children, we would be better off taking the time to examine the wider socio-economical factors that influence their ability to care for their children (Scheper-Hughes). A mother may be willing to take proper care of her children, without having the means to. Being able to tell the difference between unwilling and unable is the only way to do these women justice (Cliff & Noormahomed; Scheper-Hughes).


References:

• Cliff, J. & Noormahomed, A.R. 1993 ‘The Impact of War On Children’s Health in Mozambique’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 36 (7)
• Scheper-Hughes, N. 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ In Soc. Sci. Med. 19 (5)

Traditional Healers

Traditional Healers: Stuck in the Past, or Part of the Future?


Traditional healers have been practicing alongside biomedicine for such a long time (Freedman&Motsei 1992; Hellenberg 2004; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit 1998) , that it almost comes as a shock that they have yet to be included in the national health care system (Hopa&Symbayi). Medical doctors tend to view traditional healers and traditional medicine with barely concealed contempt (Hellenberg). Putting it down to savage trickery mainly concerned with duping the uneducated into parting with their hard-earned cash for the medical equivalent of pixie dust (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). This is due in part to the negative media coverage that traditional medicine tends to generate, mixed with a fair amount of bias reserved for all alternative medicine (Hellenberg).

Despite this suspicion on the part of biomedicine, there are still thousands of South Africans who make use of traditional healers in some form of another (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit). Estimates vary, but they go as high as 80% (Hopa,Simbayi&duToit). This means that a significant amount of people living in south Africa today use traditional healers either as an alternative to western medicine, or as a complementary aid ( Freedman& Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). Conventional wisdom would have us believe that these traditional healers operate mainly in rural areas where the residents have either no alternative, or simply “don’t know any better” (Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). However, for 80% of the population to make use of traditional healers in some degree this simply cannot be the case.

The reasons why people make use of traditional healers are numerous (Freedman& Motsei). Yet there is a common thread that runs through those sited that has more to do with how traditional healers operate than where they are (Hellenberg). Traditional healers tend to take a holistic approach to healing, looking not only at the symptoms of the illness, but trying to explain the cause as well (Freeman&Motsei; Feierman&Jansen 1992). They view illness in a social context and will often explain the illness in terms of the individuals’ family or group (Freeman& Motsei; Feierman&Jansen; Hellenberg). This view when combined with the complete faith that customers often place in their traditional healer makes traditional healers especially effective when treating psychosomatic illness (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). They have also shown remarkable skill when it comes to treating psychological problems (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit).

The place for traditional healers in the South African health care system cannot be ignored, but deciding that they need to be included on its own is not enough (Hellenberg; Hopa,Simbayi & du Toit). There are genuine concerns that have been raised about some treatments offered by traditional healers (Freeman&Motsei, Hellenberg). These include: sucking on wounds, herbal enemas for dehydration, poor success rate when handling visual problems and the use of toxic herbs (Hellenberg). These risks exist, but I would rather argue that intensive training and regulations would be more beneficial to the public, than simply excluding them all together (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg). At the moment, there is no standard procedure to either training or registering traditional healers, paving the way for charlatans with false claims. Regulating traditional healers would not only protect the public, but also those traditional healers who are in fact rendering a valuable service (Freeman&Motsei; Hellenberg; Hopa, Simbayi & du Toit).

Some standardised form of training for traditional healers would minimize potentially negative treatments and also better equip traditional healers to serve their customers (Freeman& Motsei; Hellenberg). It should also lend legitimacy to traditional healers in the eyes of western medicine, which would have a positive impact on their professional relationship (Hellenberg). Traditional healers clearly have a role to play, and anything that can be done to facilitate their successful inclusion in the health care system would benefit all concerned.





References:
• Freeman, M. & Motsei,M. 1992 ‘Planning Health Care in South Africa – Is there a role for traditional healers?’ in Soc. Sci. Med. 34 (11)
• Feierman, S. & Jansen, J. 1992 ‘Introduction’ in Feierman, S & Jansen, J (eds.) The Social Basis of Health and Healing in Africa. Berkeley: University California Press.
• Hellenberg, D. (ed) 2004 ‘Bridging the Gap – African Traditional Healing’ by Cameron, N., Coetzee,E., Keikelame,J., Pillay,M., Ramdass, R., Rangaka,T., Stulting, A., Tereblance, J., Vivian, L., South African Medical Association.
• Hopa,M., Simbayi, L.C., & du Toit, C.D. 1998 ‘Perceptions on Integration of Traditional and Western Healing in the New South Africa’ in South African Journal of Psychology. 28 (1)

Body fluids

Using Conceptions of Body Fluids,
To Build a Social System of Control

In this paper I examine the complex phenomenon of body fluids, paying particular attention to concepts such as “purity” and “pollution” as they relate to the mutual exchange of these fluids. I discuss the social control afforded by a community’s interpretation of this exchange, while paying particular attention to the effects this has on the relationship and interaction between the sexes. To facilitate this examination, I make use of a number of ethnographic case studies searching for particular similarities and differences between them in order to give a more holistic interpretation of the information gained from such studies. To do this I draw on the works of Barrett (2002); Calhoun (2002); Dias (1961); Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Scheper-Hughes (1984); Taylor (1990) and Turner (1957)

The effects of “purity” and “pollution” on social organization

Even in studies where the concepts of “purity” and “pollution” are not directly mentioned one can often find covert references to their effects (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Ethnographers will sometimes describe cleansing rituals in great detail, without delving deeper into the belief system that underpins it as can be seen in the works of Dias (1961) and Turner (1957). The complexity of social organization makes any form of outside interpretation of such a system problematic, not always due to any failing on the part of ethnographers, but simply because the majority of social conventions are such an integral part of life that informants are no longer even aware of their existence (Barrett:2002). Religion and health in particular are closely connected to the concept of pollution, and need to be considered when the time comes to interpret both the concept and the ideology that lends it its meaning (Hammond-Tooke:1989).

The concepts of purity and pollution are complex terms made up of various layers, effectively forming the foundation of a system of distinctions that controls behaviour and establishes and individual’s status in a particular group (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957) . There are different ways that a person can become ‘contaminated’ or ‘polluted’ and the effects of this pollution can also vary in intensity (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989). There are cases when pollution may be permanent, and since polluted individuals must operate on the boundaries of society, there are often a complex system of rituals and taboos to determine the behaviour of ‘pure’ individuals, lest they also become contaminated as can be seen in Farmer (1988); Hammond-Tooke (1989); Herdt (1982); Niehaus (2002); Turner (1957). In addition to this it is possible to distinguish between pollution that is physical, and thus affects the physical body and pollution that is spiritual (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989).

Practical interaction based on symbolic meaning

These concepts of purity and pollution is closely intertwined with the symbolic meaning of body fluids (Farmer: 1988; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Bodily fluids such as blood, saliva, semen, vaginal fluids, breast milk and even urine become complex when viewed in the particular social context that surrounds them as can be seen in the apposing views of people living in Rwanda (Taylor:1990) and those in Sambia (Herdt:1982). This social context is vital when it comes to interpreting the symbolism behind these meanings, since it directly influences and guides the belief system that lends meaning to these fluids (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Scheper-Hughes:1984; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).


In the work of Scheper-Hughes (1984) in the rural shantytown of Northeast Brazil mothers project their own social conditions directly onto interpretations of their bodies. They see themselves as worthless and as such, believe themselves to be unable to produce anything of value. This belief is related to their unwillingness to breastfeed their infants, not only because of their perceived inability to produce nourishing milk, but also due to fear that their own failings will be transmitted to their offspring.

The idea of being able to transmit negative qualities through breast milk is also found in rural Haiti as can be seen in the work of Farmer (1988), where a “folk illness” known as move san is thought to be transmitted via the infected mother’s breast milk to her infant. Directly translated as “bad blood”, move san systematically infects a mother’s entire body and if left untreated it may even be fatal. Just as was the case in Brazil, this fear of transmission plays an important part in mothers’ decision for early weaning.

Yet it is not only between mothers and infants where a physical exchange of body fluids becomes enriched with symbolic meaning, it also plays a significant role in the interaction between males and females (Dias:1961; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). Residents of Rwanda, the South African Lowveld and even New Guinea believe that the body is not bounded, but permeable (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990). This belief that the body is able to transmit and integrate substances to and from other bodies, acts as a powerful regulator for social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Taylor:1990; Turner:1957).

In Herdt’s 1982 work on Sambia, women in particular are seen as a dangerous threat to male dominance and vitality and this perceived threat directly impacts on all social interaction between the sexes. Women are seen as “potentially contaminating” and the man becomes responsible for performing ritual “cleansing” acts to protect himself. The most prominent of these acts comes in the form of ritual bloodletting, where the man induces nose bleeding in himself in an effort to protect himself from the effects of female contamination.

A variant of this idea of contamination is present in both Hammond-Tooke’s (1989) and Niehaus’ (2002) work on the perceptions of villagers in the South African Lowveld, where contamination can give rise to a dangerous condition known as fiša (heat). They deal with this threat by practicing a variety of taboos regarding sex, pregnancy and death in an effort to circumvent contamination. In both these instances taboos highlight the direct impact of pollution beliefs on social behaviour with regards to regulating social interaction.

Not all cultures perceive the exchange of bodily fluids in such a negative light however. In fact, in Taylor’s (1990) study in Rwanda this exchange is loaded with meanings related to the socially ordered flow of fluids and any attempts to block this flow endangers the persons involved. Instead of seeing male and female as separate entities that need to avoid contact as far as possible to maintain male dominance, the relationship becomes a partnership with each individual contributing a vital component to the other’s health and happiness. The Rwandan body is never seen as a frozen entity, but rather remains fractal, constantly involved in reciprocal flow and being built up by “gifts” received from those around it.

Passing the buck: Pollution and BlamePollution and polluted individuals can be blamed for a gamut of evils ranging from health issues to drought (Hammond-Tooke:1989). This is found in both Brazil and Haiti, where the mother’s perceived inability to produce anything of value becomes a metaphor for her perception of own social situation (Farmer:1988; Scheper-Hughes:1984). Among the Zulu pollution is seen in terms of ‘darkness’ and this causes anything from general misfortune to a lack of resistance to disease. Among the Kgaga who live in the Lowveld, fiša is associated with any illness that is associated to fever and in cases such as miscarriages there is wide-ranging effects, even in the country as a whole. Women who had miscarriages and concealed them risked toppling the entire country into a drought, since the hidden foetus would keep the rain away (Hammond-Tooke:1989).

Relation between gender and pollution

Most of the effects of pollution are not so far reaching however, and the greatest danger seems to be to men (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This is the case in Sambia (Herdt:1982), the Lowveld (Niehaus:2002; Hammond-Tooke:1989), among the Nguni as well as the Zulu (Hammond-Tooke:1989). Women are stigmatised as the harbourers of pollution, turning the interactions between male and female members of the community into a complicated web of social conventions (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). This stigma is particularly effective for ensuring the subjugation of the women in question, since any male who goes against such convention runs a very real risk of having himself relegated to the same restrictions in which the females find themselves (Herdt:1982). People have difficulty coping with vague classifications due to uncertain boundaries, and the concept of pollution can be seen as an attempt to cope with such confusions. It is often the case that people become polluted when they are going through the transformation from one category to another, as is the case with pregnant mothers, widows, corpses, travellers etc. It is during this transformation time that ritual “fences” are build against them, to protect the rest of the community from them, until such time when they can safely be classified again (Hammond-Tooke:1989).




Conclusion

Despite the obvious complexity surrounding the concepts of purity and pollution, the daunting task of their interpretation remains an important one. Their influence may not always manifest itself in overt ways, but this does not diminish their importance when it comes to interpreting social phenomena (Hammond-Tooke:1989). By dividing the population into groups of “pure” or “polluted” individuals, distinctions are made in social status and this distinction serves as a powerful control mechanism over social behaviour (Calhoun:2002; Dias:1961; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002; Turner:1957). The social control afforded by the possibility of being branded “polluted” and relegated to the fringes, serves an important mechanism for ensuring the stability of a community’s social organization even when the world is changing around it (Hammond-Tooke:1989; Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). This is particularly important to the maintenance of the hegemonic social position occupied for the most part by the male members of such communities (Herdt:1982; Niehaus:2002). Without such mechanisms, they would risk greater resistance from women who are no longer willing to submit themselves to such subjugation and such resistance would lead to the subsequent rearrangement of their current social order (Hammond-Tooke:1989).


References.• Barrett, S.R. 2002 ‘Part one: Building the Discipline’ and ‘Unleashing the Anthropologist: A Historical Overview’ in Anthropology: A student’s guide to theory and method University of Toronto Press Inc.: Canada pg.3-83
• Calhoun, C (ed.) 2002 ‘Definition: Purity and Pollution’ in Dictionary of the Social Sciences Oxford University Press: Oxford
• Dias, A.J. 1961 ‘The Makonde People: Social Life’ in Portuguese Contribution to Cultural Anthropology Witwatersrand University Press: Johannesburg, pg. 47-61
• Farmer, P 1988 ‘Bad Blood, Spoiled Milk: Bodily Fluids as Moral Barometers in Rural Haiti’ in American Ethnologist, Vol.15, No.1, Medical Anthropology, (Feb.1988) pg.62-83
• Hammond-Tooke, D 1989 ‘Pollution’ in Rituals and Medicines: Indigenous Healing in South Africa, AD. Donker (pty.) Ltd.: Johannesburg pg.91-102
• Herdt, G 1982 ‘Sambia Nosebleeding Rites and Male Proximity to Women’ in Ethos, Vol.10 (3): 189-231
• Niehaus, I 2002 ‘Bodies, Heat and Taboos: Conceptualizing Modern Personhood in the South African Lowveld’ in Ethnology, Vol.41(3): 189-207
• Scheper-Hughes, N 1984 ‘Infant Mortality and Infant Care: Cultural and Economic Constraints on Nurturing in Northeast Brazil’ in Social Sciences Med. Vol.19(5): 535-546
• Taylor, C.C. 1990 ‘Condoms and Cosmology: The ‘Fractal’ Person and Sexual Risk in Rwanda’ in Soc. Sci. Med. Vol.31(9): 1023-1028
• Turner, V.W 1957 ‘Matrilineal Succession and the Dynamics of Village Intrigue’ and ‘The Structural Implications of Virilocal Marriage Within the Village’ in Schism and Continuity in an African Society: A Study of Ndembu Village Life Manchester University Press: Manchester, pg.131-168; 234-258

Multiculturalism

Multiculturalism

Introduction

Recent years have seen the rise of several new academic specializations in culture, but for most of it anthropology has been left out in the cold. Turner (1993) claims that this lack of interest in what anthropologist have to offer in the multiculturalism “game plan” is due, at least to some extent, to a lack of effort on the part of anthropologists. At first glance it would appear that anthropologists have yet to make any effort to even try and understand what multiculturalists have in mind, and ignoring this basic principle hardly seems like the best way to get involved. When reading Eriksen (2001) and Wright (1998) however the problem seems to have less to do with apathy and more with ineffectiveness.

Two types of multiculturalism

Once anthropologists have decided to take an interest there is still a long road they’ll have to go down in order to truly be effective (Eriksen,2001; Turner,1993; Wright,1998). For most people the term multiculturalism has become just another name for a political tool used by minorities to have the majority pander to their demands. This may be true for some multiculturalists, but it certainly does not ring true for all and failing to realise that will lead to discontent. Turner defines two main types of multiculturalism based on their approach namely critical multiculturalism and difference multiculturalism. Critical multiculturalism uses cultural diversity as a platform from which to challenge the ruling hegemony. They dispel separatist notions held by all groups concerned in order to create a more egalitarian common culture. Difference multiculturalism on the other hand seeks to separate different groups into groups and cheapen culture till it becomes merely a label that can be indiscriminately applied to people. Turner calls them “fetishists of difference” and the seeming irrational obsession that these multiculturalists have with cultural difference serves to pave the way for a dangerous type of separatism.

Why is this distinction significant for anthropology?

According to Turner anthropology has a far more uniform approach to culture and it would appear that they have been somewhat naïve when thinking about culture and he even likens some of it to difference multiculturalism. This is mostly true when one looks at what Wright calls the “old” idea of culture, where cultures were seen as isolated units, with little or no interaction between them. Turner also claims that this weakness has been present in most anthropological ways of thought from early evolution right down to diffusion. In recent years anthropology has contributed to a more balanced world view and cultural relativism can be seen as an ancestor of critical multiculturalism.

Conclusion

One can hardly blame certain multiculturalists for trying to reify culture; bounded distinct entities are so much easier to work with than people who actually think for themselves. The undeniable political aspect of multiculturalism as seen in Turner makes this even more tempting. The insights anthropology has to offer when handling diversity has so far been severely underdeveloped and it is time for a more practical and direct approach as can be seen from all the works sited.


References

Eriksen, T.H. 2001 “Multiculturalism and Anthropology” in Small Places, Large Issues: An Introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology, Second Edition p280-281

Turner, T. 1993 “Anthropology and Multiculturalism: What is Anthropology That Multiculturalists should be mindful of It?” in Cultural Anthropology 8(4):411-429

Wright, S. 1998 ‘The Politicization of ‘Culture” Anthropology Today 14 (1) pp 7-15

Media as a tool for development

Media as a tool for development

Introduction.

Using the media to influence public opinion and gain greater control is not a new idea, governments and various political movements have been doing this successfully for years (Carroll & Ratner: 1999). In certain cases, there have even been those that use media to influence the way a country is run by boosting public awareness (Page:1996). This is where ethnic minorities come in, with skilful use of these available resources, it is possible to not only boost the public’s awareness but also influence their opinion (Ginsburg: 1995; Herman&Chomsky: 1987; Page: 1996).

Discussion.

This new sounding board offers a unique opportunity for minorities to get their point across, but it inevitably comes at a price (Ginsburg: 1995; Banner: 1996). So far, the rewards have been enough to justify possible pitfalls, but constant revaluation will be needed to make sure that this stays true (Rogers: 1996; Ginsburg: 1995). Culture is by no means a bounded entity; interaction will lead to a certain degree of assimilation in both directions (Ginsburg: 1995; Banner: 1996). This is inevitable and even though this is mostly positive, it can also lead to minority cultures losing a certain degree of distinction from the majority (Eriksen: 2001). When your influence rests largely on your ethnic identity, it becomes clear how such a loss will be detrimental to your bargaining ability (Ginsburg: 1995).

However just like all that glitters is not gold, not all interaction leads to a loss of identity in fact some even argue that this leads to an increased distinction (Eriksen; 2001). Thus far, successful use of media has been an invaluable tool to cross cultural boundaries (Ginsburg: 1995; Wright: 1998). When ‘indigenous people’ have become a minority in their own country media provides a ‘soap box’ for these cultures, where their voice can still be heard in the rabble (Rogers: 1996; Ginsburg: 1995). Sadly, such productions have been relatively poorly funded, but even so, it is an effective way to resist domination from outside cultures (Wright: 1995). In this paper, Ginsburg focuses mainly on the Aboriginal people from Australia, but as can be seen from Wright; Chomsky; Banner and Rogers this is certainly not a unique occurrence. Ginsburg also mentions the importance of viewing these phenomena within their particular social and political context and this provides a more holistic view of these interactions.

Such a view addresses not only the occurrence of interactions, but also the mediations that take place between cultures due to these works. By offering a little more insight into their culture, minorities create empathy with their demands by humanising their ‘otherness’ in such a way that they become more real. Initial attempts at such mediation were hampered by an inability to effectively incorporate ‘natives’ own social frame into film representations (Ginsburg: 1995). This lack of insight as well as adaptation on the part of the natives meant that as time passed they wanted to take an active part instead of just being filmed and portrayed the way the producers saw them (Wright: 1998; Ginsburg: 1995). Being actively involved meant not only greater control, but also the opportunity to determine and produce their image (Wright: 1998; Ginsburg: 1995; Rogers: 1996; Page: 1996).

Conclusion.

The use of various means of mass communication by minority cultures enables them to spread awareness, but also gives them greater control over policies that concern them (Ginsburg: 1995; Wright: 1998; Page: 1996; Carrol&Ratner: 1999). By acting collectively, minorities reserve the right for self-determination and offer better resistance to domination imposed by majority cultures (Wright: 1998; Rogers: 1996). Thus ensuring greater control over their own welfare (Eriksen: 2001; Ginsburg: 1995; Wright: 1998)


References

Banner, S. 1996 ‘Written Law and Unwritten Norms in Colonial St.Louis’ in Law and History Review, Vol.14, No.1, pp.33-80

Carroll, W.K. & Ratner, R.S. 1999 ‘Media Strategies and Political Projects: A Comparative Study of Social Movements’ in Canadian Journal of Sociology, Vol.24, No.1, pp.1-34

Eriksen, T.H. 2001 ‘The Politics of Identity: Nationalism and Minorities’ in Small Places, Large Issues: An introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology pp.275-291

Ginsburg, F. ‘Mediating Culture: Indigenous Media, Ethnographic Film, and the Production of Identity’ in L. Devereaux & R. Hillman (eds) Fields of Vision: Essays in Film Studies, Visual Anthropology, and Photography, Berkley: University of California Press

Herman, E. & Chomsky, N. 1987 ‘A Propaganda Model’ in Manufacturing Consent New York: Pantheon

Page, B.I. 1996 ‘The Mass Media as Political Actors’ in PS: Political Science and Politics, Vol.29, No.1, pp.20-24

Rogers, E.M. 1996 ‘Bright Spots in Communication for Development’ presented at the Conference on Communication and Empowerment: Uses of Media and Information Technologies in Developing Countries, Los Angeles, April 11-13, 1996 website: http://www.usc.edu/dept/ancntr/pdcomm/roger.html accessed 16 Sep 2006

Wright, S. 1998 ‘The Politicization of Culture’ in Anthropology Today, Vol.14, No.1, pp.7-15

Discussion: Wright on culture

Discussion: Wright on culture

Introduction

Wright begins her article by lamenting the complications of the topic she has chosen (Wright 1998: 7). And indeed the controversy around the definition of culture seems to be one of the central themes in most discussions about culture. How do you discuss problems arising from something if you can’t even decide what it is? (Rapport&Overing 2000: 92) Even the simple question of whether culture is our innate ability or acquired has been a significant obstacle (Rapport&Overing 2000:93) So assuming that culture does indeed exist, let us proceed. (Rapport&Overing 2000:94-95)

Compare and contrast Wright’s (1998) account of ‘old’ and ‘new’ anthropological approaches to ‘culture’.

Wright sees the ‘old’ definition of culture as a static ‘thing’ with cookie cutter people walking around doing the same sort of predictable things day in and day out regardless of what’s going on in the world around them.(Wright 1998: 8). The ‘new’ new idea surrounding culture has gotten to the point where people realise that things are constantly changing, with a lot of outside influences pulling a society in different directions. (Rapport&Overing 2000: 96) People inside a society are permanently jockeying for a position where they’ll have enough power to pander their interpretation of their ‘culture’ as the gospel according to all who live in it as well as those who seek to study them. Often using skewed versions of truth and society to do it. (Wright 1998:10)

Explain how ‘culture’, in both of these senses, has been introduced into the domains of cultural racism, multiculturalism, corporate culture as well as culture and development.

The ‘old’ definition of culture was used to support cultural racism by placing people in separate ‘culture boxes’ if ’ we’ are from this culture and ‘they’ are from that culture then obviously it makes sense to keep us all apart since mixing would pollute ‘our’ culture. (Wright1998: 10) Wright refers to the ‘New Right’ especially when she deplores the use of ‘culture’ to enforce “exclusion, using it as a euphemism for renewed racism” (Wright 1998: 11). In theory multiculturalism should endorse the diversity of different cultures, while still garnering them the respect that would be due people of your own culture (Google definitions 2006). But by promoting diversity, you ‘exoticize’ people from other cultures, making the subsequent segregation that much more effective (Rapport&Overing 2000: 98-99). Which brings us to corporate culture which is often used as just another definition for a mission statement of a company. (Wright 1998:11) Managers are actively employing both definitions of culture in order to gain employees active participation but it’s still done purely for their own benefit (Wright 1998:12). This same theme seems to run through cultural development as a whole, while UNESCO made a valid attempt at promoting a new ethical world with their rapport on creative diversity(Wright 1998:12) but they failed to take into account the “political dimension of meaning making”(Wright 1998:14). Oversights such as these have led to a simplistic view of the world and are insufficient to make any real change. As Wright says:” Levi-Strauss has provided UNESCO with a map of a flat world.” (Wright 1998:13) This makes it clear how much work still lays ahead if anthropologists are to make any real change.

What does Wright mean by “the politicization of culture”?

Quite a few of the more opportunistic politicians are using a slightly altered interpretation of culture in order to lend legitimacy to their own, often oppressing ideas. They claim validity based on anthropology while at the same time discarding the relativism an equality that it stands for. Many campaigns for segregation and discrimination have been based on a platform of ‘culture’. ‘Us’ and ‘them’ have become key words in the blatant manipulation of the concept of ‘culture’. (Wright 1998: 10)

What, according to Wright, is the role anthropologists ought to play with regard to the politics surrounding the use of ‘culture’?

The UNESCO report offered an opportunity for anthropologists to make a difference in this abuse of an innocent concept, but sadly it was severely underdeveloped. As a profession we should start taking a far more active role in protecting the marginalized, from policies building their validity on such twisted interpretations. And maybe we should take a page from these politicians’ books in order to be able to intervene more effectively in such cases in the future. I agree with Wright that some of the ‘edge’ that was present in the earlier forms of this discipline has been lost, and much can be said for taking a far more active approach in the interpretation and implementation of information gained from studies, lest society lose use for us altogether (Wright 1998:14).


References:

 Wright, S. 1998 ‘The Politicization of ‘culture” Anthropology Today 14(1) pp 7-15
 Rapport,N and Overing,J. 2000 ‘Culture’ in Social and Cultural Anthropology: The Key Concepts London: Routledge
 www.media.pearsoncmg.com/intl/ema/uk/0131217666_glo.html (2006-03-03)(google definition search 2006-03-03)

Wanting, needing and knowing the difference

Wanting, needing and knowing the difference

‘Material goods serve more than just our survival needs;
they meet our culturally defined wants as well” (Spradley 1997: 153)


Human beings are strange creatures; we need only a hand full of things in order to survive namely: water, food, shelter, clothing and companionship (Petroglyph). In theory, this would then mean that if these basic needs were met we would be content. Building on this one would also assume that the way in which these needs are met would have little effect on our happiness (Douglas & Isherwood; 1978). Reality on the other hand tells a completely different story, the way we attach value to an object bears little resemblance to either the production cost or the contribution it makes towards our survival (Foster; 2005). Advertisers have make millions by turning needs into wants (Bisseker; 2002). Sure, you may need a new jacket when winter rolls along, but only clever advertising or a brain tumour would make you spend US$4995.95 (Designer Exposure; 2006) on something that is going to be out of style next season. What we need to do then is look at the way in which we attach value to goods to better understand how our culture determines not only what we want, but also how badly we want it (Jay, 1970; Douglas&Isherwood).

Discussion

You would think that a few million years of evolution would mean that humans were immune to such trivial temptations such as advertising. After all, we did manage to put a man on the moon. Even I fell prey to Douglas&Isherwood’s theory when I went through the reading material. Although I was willing to admit that maybe other people fell into the advertisement trap, I was sure that I was immune. As I slipped into my Guess jeans, put on my YDE t-shirt and donned my Diesel sneakers however, I could feel doubt slowly creeping in through the back door. This made me take a look around and I could not help noticing how just about everything in my room was branded in some way, not even something as basic as toothpaste was left unaffected.

Brands invoke a strange sort of loyalty in the typical consumer, Foster (2005) even goes as far as calling it ‘loyalty beyond reason’. What is it that compels us to spend our hard-earned cash on something that technically either we don’t really need, or we could’ve gotten for a whole lot less? (Jay,1970; Barth,1970; Douglas&Isherwood) Part of the reason will undoubtedly be ‘real’ benchmarks such as quality and value for money, but studies on consumer behaviour shows that habit plays a greater roll that we would care to admit (Foster, 2005; Wikipedia). I am guilty of always buying a certain type of coffee and when there is none available, rather go without or have tea than risk another brand. There is nothing unique about my brand of coffee, you boil the water; add it to the soluble granules and coffee happens. Why then the reluctance to change?

Once a brand becomes imbedded in your routine and way of thinking, it is almost impossible to even think of using something else (Foster, 2005; Douglas&Isherwood, 1978). Until the next one catches your heart of course, when all the loyalty goes straight out the window (Wikipedia). What makes us stick to one brand or later makes us switch to another? One culprit is the influence outside groups such as friends and family have on us as consumers, another would be advertising. Apart from economic factors and actual quality considerations, these are the main reasons for choosing a particular product. Consumer behaviour studies spend vast amounts of time and money on figuring out exactly why we buy the things we do, along with how, when and what. This service is invaluable to producers since knowing what the public wants would give them an advantage when the time comes for them to sell their product (Wikipedia). In today’s highly competitive society, it becomes ever more important to make your product stand out above the rest, thus maintaining and expanding your market share (Foster, 2005).

Before we focus on the different ways this is achieved, let us look at the basic models for consumer behaviour, along with a basic models of buyer decision making. There are two fundamental models of consumer behaviour that can each be applied with varying degrees of success. The first of these is Howard&Sheth, they start by grouping the different stimuli that influence a consumer in the decision making process in order to better analyse their effect. The first; significative, refers to the material aspects of a product/service. The second; symbolic, refers to associations and ideas attached by the supplier. The third; social, refers to the ideology attached to a certain product by a culture and different social groups within this society. In this model, these inputs are seen as complete, with all possible stimuli of being grouped in one of them. The ‘outputs’ will of course then be the result of these stimuli on the consumer’s behaviour, or at least those that you can see. However knowing what influences a customer and what his or her end reaction is to all of this still doesn’t explain why they’ll buy a certain product (service). Howard&Sheth divides this decision making process into two areas. One; perceptual, referring to those involved with getting and managing information about the product (service). Two; learning, referring to the actual accumulation of knowledge, that led to the final decision.

The second model we will briefly discuss is known as the Engel-Kollat-Blackwell model and this follows a more mechanistic approach. They operate in the realm of evolutionary economics, where customers become causative forces operating within set conventions that are easy to pursue and implement. These conventions contain limited information and only a slight capacity for elaboration. This postulates that a customer identifies a certain need and after he or she has decided which group of goods satisfies it, sets a budget and uses this as the main driving force when selecting a particular item for consumption (Wikipedia). This very basic theory fails to take taste and other socially driven driving forces into account as named in Douglas&Isherwood (1978); Jay (1970); Barth (1970); Gell (1988).

These models provide us with part of the how, the actual decision-making process now bears closer examination. There are three possible analytical models for achieving this. These are the economic, psychological and consumer behaviour models. The consumer behaviour models usually a combination between the other two, which is why I chose to discuss it. Perception of a product plays an important part when it comes to choosing that I will now discuss ways suppliers use to influence them. The most prominent one is advertising, that comes in myriad forms and surrounds us everyday (Wikipedia). Another less obvious one is propaganda, either from society as a whole, or specific groups (Douglas&Isherwood, 1978; Foster, 2005; Gell, 1988; Jay, 1970; Wikipedia). I didn’t realise just how bombarded we are by ads until I picked up my October issue of Cosmopolitan and decided to count the pages taken up with full-page advertisements. Cosmopolitan is a popular woman’s magazine that caters for young women between the ages of 18 and 34. They have a total readership of 758 000 so it should give a good indication of how much influence advertising exerts on our lives. The magazine in question had 318pages including the front and back covers, of these pages 156 were taken up by full colour advertisements. Such an advertisement doesn’t come cheap with prices running at R41500, 00 for a single page and R99792, 00 for a double page spread on the first pages (Cosmo Website). No wonder companies go through so much trouble trying to figure out exactly what customers want (Foster 2005).

I also mentioned propaganda, for this essay, I will loosely define it as promotion. In this particular context, I took every time readers were told to buy a product as propaganda, but only counted it when actual prices were named and if I had not already counted them under the general advertisements. This added another 70 pages out of my total of 318 that were attempting to persuade readers to buy certain products. Together with the ‘pure’ advertisements, this meant that just over 71% of the magazine was dedicated to some type of product promotion.

These advertisements are aimed at a specific market and there exists a wide variety of advertisements, all thus aimed at certain demographic groups (Bisseker, 2002). Agencies take into account not only the demand for a certain product, but also the social structures that would support their campaign. This specialization is another way that culture affects the products we choose. Companies would not be able to play on things such as status and social stratification if they weren’t there to begin with (Barth, 1970; Gell, 1988; Jay, 1970; Wikipedia) . By making people feel envious of others and prompting them to emulate those they perceive as successful these companies are not creating a new niche, they are simply exploiting an existing one (Douglas&Isherwood, 1978). This particular technique for example would fail if used on the Muria in India since they have no wish to set themselves apart from the rest financially (Gell, 1988).

Conclusion

There may not be a group of people going around from town to town telling people what to wear and how to think, but that doesn’t mean that our social environment holds no sway in our behaviour. We are bombarded by cultural conditioning wherever we go, be it in the form of television, books or advertising and whether we’d like to admit it or not, it does play a role in the choices we make (Bisseker, 2002; Douglas&Isherwood, 1978; Foster,2005; Jay,1970) . At the end of the day it is still a choice however and nobody can blame a foolish purchase on clever advertisement (Douglas&Isherwood, 1978). Our choices spring from a variety of different factors and stimuli that we analyse to find the right one for us (Wikipedia), thus nobody else can take the blame if we make a mistake. In this essay, I have focussed primarily on material commercial goods, may be in part, because my culture tells me that is important (Foster, 2005).

References

Barth, F. 1970 ‘Management and Stratification’ in Firth, R. (ed.) Themes in Economic Anthropology Tavistock Publications pp.165-167

Cosmopolitain Magazine ‘Cosmopolitain Rate Card:Our Cosmo World’ http://www.cosmopolitan.co.za/main/intros/info/magspecs06/cosmo/cosmo_rate_card_2006.htm 01 October 2006

Designer Exposure, ‘Main Collection: Womens designer coats’ http://www.designerexposure.com/category/26a2/ALL 01 October 2006

Douglas, M. & Isherwood,B 1978 ‘Why People Want Goods’ in The World of Goods: Towards an Anthropology of Consumption London: Routledge pp.15-24

Douglas, M. & Isherwood,B 1978 ‘The Uses of Goods’ in The World of Goods: Towards an Anthropology of Consumption London: Routledge pp.56-70

Financial Mail, Bisseker, T. 2002 ‘ Media: It’s not all doom and gloom for the industry’ http://free.financialmail.co.za/report/adfocus2002/media/med11.htm 01 October 2006

Foster, R.J. 2005 ‘Commodity Futures: Labour, Love and Value’ in Anthropology Today 21(4): 8-12

Gell, A. 1988 ‘Newcomers to the world of Goods: Consumption among the Muria Gond’s’ in Appadurai,A. (ed.) The social life of things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp.110-138

Jay, L. 1970 ‘Social and Economic Determinants in Behaviour’ in Firth,R. (ed.) Themes in Economic Anthropology Tavistock Publications pp.30-32

Petroglyph National Monument: Teacher resources ‘Needs: What do we need to survive?’
http://www.nps.gov/archive/petr/teachers/needtosurvive.htm 01 October 2006

Wikipedia, the free Encyclopedia ‘Consumer Behaviour’ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consumer_behaviour 01 October 2006

Wikepedia, the free Encyclopedia ‘Buyer decision process’ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buyer_decision_processes" 01 October 2006